Book 3 Part 2 Chapter 19 (Chapter 206 overall)

Chapter Summaries: Dole: Borodino, September 7, 1812. Discussion of the advantages of Borodino. The result. Risk to Napoleon. Comparison between war and checkers. Absurdity of the historians. Description of the battle. Sketch of the battlefield. The fallacy. Proofs. Necessity of shielding Kutuzof. The real state of the case.
Briggs: Borodino-a senseless struggle wrongly interpreted by historians.
Maude: Senselessness of the battle of Borodino, and erroneousness of the historical accounts of it. Where and how it was fought
Pevear and Volokhonsky: Thoughts on the battles of Shevardino and Borodino. Errors of the historians. Corrected map of the battlefield.

Translation:

XIX.

On the 24th was the battle at the Shevardin redoubt, on the 25th was not started up one shot from that, or from different parties, and on the 26th the battle of Borodino happened.

For what and how were the battles at Shevardin and at Borodino given and accepted? For what was the Borodino battle given? For the French, or for the Russians it had not the slightest sense. The nearest result was and must have been — for the Russians that we moved closer to the destruction of Moscow (what we were afraid of more than all in the world), but for the French that they moved closer to destruction throughout the army (what they also were afraid more than all in the world). This result was then already completely obvious, but between that Napoleon gave, and Kutuzov accepted this battle.

If the generals would have been guided by reasonable reasons, it seemed, how clearly it must have been for Napoleon that, to call for behind two thousand versts and taking a battle with a probable chance of losing 1/4th of the army, he was walking into a true death; and so the same it clearly would must have appeared to Kutuzov, that taking battle and also risking the loss of a quarter of the army, for sure losing Moscow. For Kutuzov this was mathematically clear, as it is clear that, if in checkers I have one less checker and I exchange, I will for sure lose, and because of it, should not be exchanging.

When the adversary has 16 checkers, but I have 14, then I am only one eighth weaker than him; but when I exchange 13 checkers, then he will be three times stronger than me.

Before the Borodino battle our forces related to the French about as five to six, but after the battle as one to two, that is before the battle 100 thousand to 120, but after the battle 50 to 100. But together with that the smart and experienced Kutuzov accepted battle. Napoleon the same, an ingenious commander, as he is called, gave battle, losing a quarter of his army and still more stretched his line. If it is said that, by occupying Moscow, he thought, as occupying Vienna, finishes the campaign, then against this is much evidence. The historians of Napoleon themselves tell that still from Smolensk he wanted to stay, knew the danger of his stretched situation and knew that the occupation of Moscow would not end the campaign, because of how from Smolensk he saw in what position were left his Russian cities, and he was not getting one answer to his repeated statements about the willingness to lead talks.

Giving and taking the Borodino battle, Kutuzov and Napoleon acted involuntarily and pointlessly. But historians under committed facts now and then let down slyly woven evidence of foresight and the genius of generals, which of all the involuntary cannons of world events were the most slavish and involuntary actors.

The ancients left us samples of heroic poems, in which heroes form all the interest of history, and we still all cannot get used to that for our time of humanity such a family of stories has no sense.

To a different question: how were Borodino and the prior to it Shevardin battle given? exist exactly also quite certain and to all famous, completely false presentations. All historians describe the business in the following way:

The Russian army, as if it would in its retreat from Smolensk, looked for itself the best position for a general battle, and such a position was found, as if it would be at Borodino.

The Russians, as if it would, strengthened forward this position, to the left from the roads (from Moscow to Smolensk), under an almost direct angle to it, from Borodino to Utitsy, in this very location, where the battle happened.

Ahead of this position, as if it would, was exposed for the security behind the enemy a fortified cutting edge post on the Shevardin mound. On the 24th, as if he would, Napoleon attacked the cutting edge post and took it; on the 26th again attacked all the Russian army, standing in positions on the Borodino field.

So it says in the stories, and all this is completely unfair, in what is easily convinced any who will want to delve into the essence of affairs.

The Russians were not looking for the best positions; but the opposite in the retreat it had passed many positions that were better than Borodino. They did not stop in one of these positions: and because of how Kutuzov did not want to accept a position elected not by him, and because of how popular demand for battle was still not strongly enough expressed, and because of how had still not come up Miloradovich with the militia, and still by other reasons, which were incalculable. The fact that, —  the former positions were stronger, and that the Borodino position (that, in which was given battle) not only was not strong, but was quite not more than any position, than all other places in the Russian empire, on which, guessing, would be indicated by a pin on a map.

The Russians not only did not strengthen the positions of the Borodino field to the left under the direct angle from the roads (that is, this place, in which the battle happened), but and never until the 25th of August of the year 1812 thought about this, so that a battle could happen at this location. This serves as proof firstly that, not only on the 25th was not in this location fortifications, but that they started on the 25th, they were not over on the 26th; the second proof serves the position of the Shevardin redoubt: the Shevardin redoubt, ahead of those positions, in which were accepted the battle, had no sense. For what was stronger than all other points strengthened this redoubt? And for what, defending it on the 24th to the late night, were exhausted all efforts and lost six thousand people? For the security behind the enemy enough was the Cossack departure. Thirdly, the proof that the position in which the battle happened was not foreseen, and that the Shevardin redoubt was not the forward point of these positions, serves that Barclay-de-Tolly and Bagration, before the 25th, were found in the conviction, that the Shevardin redoubt was the left flank of the positions, and that Kutuzov himself in his dispatch, written in the heat of the moment after the battle, called the Shevardin redoubt the left flank of positions. Now much after, when writing in open space reports about the Borodino battle, was (probably as excuses for the mistakes of the commander in chief, having to be infallible) made up that unjust and strange indication, as if the Shevardin redoubt served the forward post (then as this was the only fortified point of the left flank), and as if the Borodino battle was accepted by us in fortified and forward elected positions, then as it happened in a completely unexpected and almost unfortified location.

The business again obviously was so: the position was elected by the river Koloch, crossing the big road not under direct, but under the sharp angle, so that the left flank was at Shevardin, right about the new villages and the center at Borodino, at the confluence of the rivers Koloch and Voyna. This position, under the cover of the river Koloch, for the army, having the purpose to stop the enemy, moving by the Smolensk road to Moscow, is obvious for any, who will look at the Borodino field, forgetting about how the battle happened.

Napoleon, leaving on the 24th to Valuev, did not see (as it says in stories) the positions of the Russians from Utitsy to Borodino (he could not see this position because of how it was not), and did not see the advanced post of the Russian army, but stumbled on the pursuit of the Russian rearguard in the left flank of the positions of the Russians, at the Shevardin redoubt, and suddenly for the Russians lead troops across the Koloch. And the Russians, not having time to march in general battle, retreated its left wing from positions, which they set out to take and occupy a new position, which was not foreseen and not strengthened. Going on the left side of the Koloch, to the left from the roads, Napoleon moved all the future battle right to left (to the parties of the Russians), and carried it in the field between Utitsy, Semenovsky and Borodino (in this field, having in itself nothing more profitable for positions, than all of some other field in Russia) and on this field happened all the battle of the 26th. In a rough shape the alleged plan of the battle and what happened in the battle was the following:

If Napoleon would not have left the night of the 24th to Koloch, and would not have told immediately the same night to attack the redoubt, but would have started to attack on another morning, then no one would have doubted that the Shevardin redoubt was the left flank of our positions; and the battle would have happened so, as we awaited it. In such a case, we probably still harder would have defended the Shevardin redoubt, our left flank; would have attacked Napoleon at the center or the right, and the 24th would have happened a general battle in those positions which were strengthened and foreseen. But so as the attack on our left flank occurred the night following behind the retreat of our rearguard, i.e. directly after the battle at Gridneva, and so as the Russian warlords would not like or not have time to start so the same night of the 24th the general battle, that first and main action of the Borodino battle was lost still on the 24th, and obviously led to the loss and what was given on the 26th.

After the loss of the Shevardin redoubt, to the morning of the 25th, we manifested without positions on the left flank and were delivered in a miserable bending back of our left wing and hastily strengthened it, where it was horrible.

But little understanding that on the 26th of August the Russian troops were standing only under the protection of weak, unfinished fortifications, the disadvantage of this situation increased still by that how the Russian warlords, not recognizing the quite accomplished fact (the loss of the positions on the left flank transfers only the future field of the battle right to left) stayed in their extended positions from the new village tol Utitsy, and owing to this must move their troops in the time of the battle, right to left. In such a way all the time of the battle the Russians had against the French army, directed at our left wing, twice weaker forces. (The action of Ponyatovsky against Utitsy and Uvarov on the right flank of the French formed a separate passage from the battle action.)

So the Borodino battle happened really not so, as (trying to hide the mistakes of our military leaders and owing to the belittling of the glory of the Russian troops and the people) describe it. The Borodino battle did not happen at elected and fortified positions with some of the weakest to the parties of the Russians forces, but the Borodino battle owing to the loss of the Shevardin redoubt, was accepted by the Russians in an open almost not fortified terrain with twice weaker forces against the French, i.e. in these conditions, in which not only was it unthinkable to fight for nine hours and to make an indecisive battle, but it was unthinkable to hold in continuation of three hours an army from complete rout and flight.

Time: 24th (September 5th in Bell), 25th (later 25th of August of the year 1812. 6th in Bell.), 26th (7th in Bell.)
Mentioned: the following morning

Locations: redoubt of Shevardino (also...Mound), Borodino, Utitsa, Kolocha (Kolotcha in Bell. Kalotcha in Dole), Novoe Selo (village of Novoe in Mandelker, Maude, and Pevear and Volokhonsky. village of Novoie in Bell. village of Novoye in Dole and Briggs), Voyna (Voina in Mandelker, Dole, and Bell.), Valuevo (Valuyevo in Dunnigan and Dole. Valuev in Dunnigan. Valouiew in Bell.), Semenovskoe (Semyonovskoe in Pevear and Volokhonsky. Semyonovsk in Briggs, Mandelker, and Dunnigan. Semyonovskoye in Garnett.)
Mentioned: French, Russians, Moscow, Vienna, Smolensk

Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: See chapter 9 of Bromfield under the chapter 204 post.
We get an extended analogy of trading one man for another in checkers and why Kutuzov had not been accepting battle and then, unreasonably, does accept battle.
"They did not stop at any of those positions, because Kutuzov did not want to accept a position that he had not chosen, and because the people's call for battle had not yet expressed itself strongly enough, and because Miloradovich had not yet arrived with the militia, and for countless other reasons."
The chapter is so location heavy and explanations of points on a map that the Pevear and Volokhonsky edition provides a map in the middle of it that modifies the map Tolstoy actually mentions in the text.
"the battle of Borodino took place not at all as it is described (in an attempt to conceal the mistakes of our commanders and thereby diminishing the gory of the Russian army and people)."

Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):

Napoleon

Kutuzof (also "commander-in-chief")

Miloradovitch

Barclay de Tolly

Bagration

Poniatowski

(French and Russian armies, as well as historians and ancients, are mentioned as a whole. Also the theoretical adversary in checkers and Tolstoy references himself in first person narration.)

Abridged Versions: Start of Volume 1 of Borodino, The French at Moscow--Epilogue--1812-1820 in Bell. No chapter break at what is the end of the chapter in other versions.
Gibian: Chapter 19.
Fuller: Only the first paragraph, which tells us about the 24th, the peace of the 25th, and then 26th the battle starting is preserved with no break.
Komroff: Entire chapter is cut.
Kropotkin: Chapter 15: The section about commanders not being goverened by reason and the checkers analogy is removed. A big section of the chapter, the one dealing with historians explanation of Borodino is removed. A lot of the detail about the movement and troops and decisions of the commanders is removed, compressing the entire chapter into four paragraphs. No chapter break.
Bromfield: See post on chapter 204.
Simmons: Chapter 19: Entire chapter is cut and replaced with "Tolstoy maintains that both Napoleon and Kutuzov acted involuntarily and irrationally in accepting battle at Borodino."

Additional Notes:

Durant: Page 703: “Napoleon was tempted to abandon the chase, make Smolensk a fortress in the center of Russia, spend the winter there, and maintain an armed line of communication with Western Europe...his army was so disorded...that he felt safer to march...motion alone keeps it together.”.

Segur/Townsend: Page 53: "sixteen thousand recruits, and a multitude of peasants carrying crosses and shouting God wills it, swarmed up to join the ranks. We were told that they were turning up the whole plain of Borodino, throwing up breastworks and digging in with the evident intention of not retreating another inch.."

Palmer: Page 157: “Kutuzov did not even know the name of the (158) place, but he had seen that it was close to the monastery of Kolotskoye, and when he reached the position with the army on 1 September, he discovered that the village was called Borodino.”

Book 3 Part 2 Chapter 18 (Chapter 205 overall)

Chapter Summaries: Dole: False reports. Pierre's doubts. The princess's alarm. Pierre remains in Moscow. Difficulty in raising money. Leppich's balloon. Alexander's letter to Rostopchin. The flogging of a French cook. Pierre's coachmen Yevstafyevitch. Pierre at Perkhuskhovo. Pierre hears of the battle of Borodino. Pierre at Mozhaisk. The joy of sacrifice.
Briggs: A public flogging. Pierre leaves for the front.
Maude: Rostopchin's broadsheets. Pierre and the eldest princess. Leppich's balloon. A public flogging. Pierre leaves Moscow for the army
Pevear and Volokhonsky: Pierre undecided. Witnesses a public flogging. Resolves to leave for the army in Mozhaisk. Learns of the battle of Shevardino on 24 August.

Translation:

XVIII.

When Pierre returned home, he was given two brought on this day posters of Rastopchin.

At the first spoken about that heard, as if Count Rastopchin forbade departure from Moscow — was unfair, and that the opposite Count Rastopchin was glad that from Moscow went away ladies and merchant wives. "Less fear, less news," was spoken in the poster,"but I with my life answer that the villain will not be in Moscow." These words for the first time clearly showed Pierre that the French will be in Moscow. In the second poster it was spoken that our main apartment was in Vyazma, that Count Wittgensteein conquered the French, but that how so many residents wished to arm, that for them is prepared in the arsenal weapons: sabers, pistols, guns, which the residents may receive by a cheap price. The tone of the posters was now not so playful, as in the former Chigirin conversations. Pierre thought above these posters. Obviously, that terrible thunderous cloud, which he called for by all the forces of his soul, and which together with that excited in him an involuntary horror, obviously, this cloud moved closer.

"To do military service and go into the army, or to wait?" For the hundredth time Pierre assigned himself this question. He took the deck of cards, lying at his table, and began to do solitaire.

— Should come this solitaire, — he spoke to himself, mixing the deck, held in his hand and looking up, — should it come, that means...What does it mean?.. — he did not have time to solve what it meant, as behind the door of the office was heard the voice of the older princesses, asking whether she can enter.

— Then it will mean that I should go into the army, — finished talking Pierre to himself. — Enter, enter, — he added, turning to the princess.

(Only the older princess, with the long waist and petrified face, continued to live in the house of Pierre; the two younger came out to get married.)

— Forgive, mon (my) cousin, that I have come to you, — she said in a reproachfully thrilled voice. — Because I need to finally decide something! What will be? All left from Moscow, and people riot. What, we will stay?

— The opposite, all seems safe, ma cousine (my cousin), — said Pierre with that habit of playfulness, which Pierre, always embarrassed to carry over his role as benefactor before the princess, learned himself in regards to her.

— Yes, this is safe... An okay well-being! Now Varvara Ivanovna told me how our troops are distinguished. Really exactly can be honor ascribed. Yes and people really rebelled, stopped listening; my girl, and has become rude. That way soon and we will become beat. Walking by the street cannot be. But the main thing, now tomorrow the French will be, what are we waiting for! I about one thing beg, mon cousin (my cousin), — said the princess, — order to bring me to Petersburg: how I am, but I under Bonaparte power cannot live.

— Yes completely, ma cousine (my cousin), where from do you get your intelligence? The opposite...

— I to your Napoleon will not submit. Other as they want... should you not want to do this...

— Yes I will do it, I now order.

The princess apparently was annoyed that there was not anyone to be angry at. She, whispering something, sat down on the chair.

— Yet you do not have the right to denounce, — said Pierre. — In the city all is quiet, and the dangers are not. Here I was now reading... — Pierre showed the princess the posters. — The count writes that his life is responsible for how the enemy will not be in Moscow.

— Ah, this is your count, — with malice began talking the princess, — This hypocrite, villain, which himself set up people rioting. Doesn’t he write in these stupid posters that what would be there or was, drag him behind the crest in leaving (and how stupid)! Who takes, they, to that honor and thanks. Here it's shared. Varvara Ivanovna said that she a little bit was not killed by her people for that she in French began talking...

— Yes because this is so... you all to heart I extremely take, — said Pierre, and began to lay out the solitaire.

Despite that the solitaire converged, Pierre did not go in the army, but stayed in deserted Moscow all in that same dismay, indecision, in fear and together in joys expecting something terrible.

On the next day the princess in the evening left, and to Pierre had arrived his chief manager with news that the required to them money for uniforms for the regiment cannot be got, should he not sell another estate. The chief manager all submitted to Pierre that all these ventures of the regiment must ruin him. Pierre with labor hid a smile, listening to the words of the manager.

— Well, sell, — he spoke. — What but to do, I cannot refuse it!

The worse was the position of all cases, and in particular his cases, by that Pierre was more pleasant, by that it was obvious that the catastrophe, which he was awaiting, approached. Now almost nobody from his acquaintances of Pierre were in the city. Juli left, Princess Marya left. From the loved acquaintances only the Rostovs stayed; but to them Pierre did not drive.

On this day Pierre, so that to have fun, went to the village of Vorontsov to look at the big air orb, which was built by Leppich for the destruction of the enemy, and the trial of the orb, which should have started up tomorrow. This orb was still not ready; but, as was found out by Pierre, it was built by the wish of the sovereign. The sovereign wrote Count Rastopchin about this balloon in the following:

Only that Leppich will be ready, put together a crew for his boat of faithful and smart people, and send a courier to General Kutuzov, so that to warn him. I informed him about this. Instill, please, Leppich, so that he turns very well attention on the place, where he lowers it on the first time, so that it is not mistaken and not get in the hands of the enemy.

It is necessary, so that he thinks his movements with the movements of the commander in chief. 666

Returning home from Vorontsov and driving by the swamp square, Pierre saw a crowd at Lobny place, stopped and tore from his carriage. This was an execution of a French cook, accused in spying. The execution only ran out, and the executioner untied from the mare a pitifully moaning thick human with red whiskers, in blue stockings and a green camisole. Another criminal, slender and pale, stood here the same. Both, judging by their faces, were French. With a scared and painful look, similar to that which was on the lean French, Pierre pushed through the crowd.

— What is this? Who? For what?— he asked. But the attention of the crowd, — officials, lower class people, merchants, peasants, women in cloaks and fur coats, — was so greedily concentrated in that what was happening in the Lobny location, that no one responded to him. The thick person rose, frowningly shook his shoulders, and obviously wished to express a hardness, began, not looking around himself, put on the camisole; but suddenly his lips started shaking, and he cried, angered at himself, as a cry of grown up sanguine people. The crowd loudly began talking, as it seemed to Pierre, so that to drown in mostly themselves a sense of pity.

— Whose princely cook...

— That, Monsieur, it is seen the Russian sauce came to the sour Frenchman... sorely stuffed, — said the wrinkled instructor, standing beside Pierre, at that time as the Frenchman cried. The instructor turned back around himself, apparently expecting assessments of his joke. Some laughed, some scaredly continued to look at the executioner, who undressed the other.

Pierre puffed up his nose, frowned and fastly turning went backwards to the carriage, not ceasing to mumble something about himself in that time, as he was walking and sat down. In the continuation of the road he a few times shuddered and screamed so loudly that the coachman asked him:

— What order?

— Where but do you ride?— shouted Pierre at the coachman, leaving to Lubyanka.

— To the commander in chief ordered, — was the response of the coachman.

— Fool! Cattle! — shouted Pierre, what seldom with him happened, scolding his coachman. — Home I told; and soon go on, blockhead. There is still now a need to leave, — about himself spoke Pierre.

Pierre, at seeing the punished Frenchman and the crowd surrounding Lobny place, so finally decided that he may not stay in Moscow anymore and now ride again in the army, that to him it seemed that he spoke about this to the coachman, or that the coachman himself should know this.

Having arrived home, Pierre gave the order to his all knowing, all able, famous throughout Moscow, coachman Evstafevich about that he at night would ride to Mozhayck to the troops, and so that were sent to him riding horses. All this could not be done on that same day, and because of it, by the presentation of Evstafevich, Pierre should put aside his departure to another day, so that to give time to set up to leave on the road.

The 24th cleared up after bad weather, and on this day after lunch Pierre left from Moscow. At night, changing horses at Perhushkov, Pierre found out that on this evening was a great battle. It was told that here, in Perhushkov, the land trembled from shots. To the questions of Pierre about who was conquered, no one could give him an answer. (This was the battle of the 24th at Shevardin.) At dawn Pierre drove to Mozhayck.

All the homes at Mozhayck were busy with standing troops, and in the inn of the courtyard, in which Pierre met his horse trainer and coachman, in the chambers were not places: all were full of officers.

In Mozhayck and behind Mozhayck everywhere were standing and going troops. Cossacks, on foot, horse soldiers, wagons, boxes, and guns were seen with all parties. Pierre hurried to soon go forward, and the farther he drove off from Moscow, and the deeper he sank in this sea of troops, by that more of him got a hold of anxious worry and a still untested by him new joyful feeling. This was a feeling like that which he felt at Slobodskoy palace in the time of the arrival of the sovereign, a feeling of needing to undertake something and donate something. He felt now a pleasant feeling of consciousness that all that what forms the happiness of people, the facilities of life, wealth, even life itself, is nonsense, which nicely is thrown away in comparison with something... With what, Pierre could not himself give a report, and did not try to grasp for himself for whom and for what he finds the particular beauty to donate to all. He was not occupied by that for what he wanted to sacrifice, but the very donation formed for him a new joyful feeling.

666 "Aussitôt que Leppich sera prêt, composez lui un équipage pour sa nacelle d’hommes sûrs et intelligents et dépêchez un courrier au général Koutousoff pour l'en prévenir. Je l’ai instruit de la chose".

"Recommandez, je vous prie, à Leppich d’être bien attentif sur l’endroit où il descendra la première fois, pour ne pas se tromper et ne pas tomber dans les mains de l’ennemi. Il est indispensable qu’il combine ses mouvements avec le général-en-chef".

("As soon as Leppich is ready, compose a crew for his basket of calm and intelligent men and hurry a courier to General Koutousoff to notify him. I instructed him on the thing. 

"Recommend, I pray you, to Leppich to be very attentive to the place where it will descend the first time so as not to be mistaken and not fall into the hands of the enemy. It is indispensable that he combines his movements with the General-in-Chief."

Time: When Pierre returned home, the following night, that day, evening, 24th the afternoon (5th of September in Dole), night, daybreak
Mentioned: a day or two

Locations: Pierre's house in Moscow, village of Vorontsovo, Bolotnaya Square (... Ploshchad in Dole. Bolotnone Place in Maude and Mandelker. Bolotny Square in Garnett and Briggs.), Judgment Place (Lobnoe Place in Maude and Mandelker. in the public square where executions took place in Bell. Lobnoye Myesto in Dole. Lobnoye Place in Dunnigan and Garnett. execution ground in Pevear and Volokhonsky. Place of Execution in Briggs.), Lubyanka (cut in Bell.), Perkhushkovo (Perkhoukow in Bell), Mozhaysk (Mozhaisk in Dunnigan, Pevear and Volokhonsky, and Mandelker.)
Mentioned: French, Vyazma, St. Petersburg, Russian, Shevardino, Slobodski palace

Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: Pierre gets some of Rastopchin's propaganda that says he is glad ladies are leaving because that means there will be less gossip. He then promises the French will not make it to Moscow and "These words showed Pierre clearly for the first time that the French would be in Moscow."
Pierre now plays patience while trying to decide what he should do. Update that the eldest princess is the only one of the three living with him, with the younger two marrying. The princess displays the class concern that we saw in the rural scenes with Marya, as we see that the maids have become rude and the princess is afraid they will start "beating" them. She mentions another episode of someone nearly being killed for speaking French. He sends her off to Petersburg, but he stays in Moscow "in the fear and at the same time the joy of awaiting something terrible."
"The worse the state of any affairs, and especially his own, the more pleasant it was for Pierre, the more obvious it was that the catastrophe he expected was approaching. By then Pierre had almost no acquaintances left in the city."
He goes to see the hot air balloon. Note: "Franz Leppich, a Dutch peasant, went to Moscow in 1812 to convince Rastopchin that he could build a hot-air balloon that would enable the Russians to attack the French from the air. (Leppich had made the same proposal a year earlier to Napoleon, who had ordered him removed from French territory.) When the balloon was finally tried out, it failed to rise and nothing more was seen of its inventor."
It seems that Alexander takes the balloon plan seriously and has plans to use it. Pierre then sees the flogging of a French cook. This causes Pierre to yell at his coachman, which he almost never does and he decides to leave Moscow. He decides to head towards the battlefields and gets "a feeling similar to what he had experienced at the Slobodsky palace at the time of the sovereign's arrival--a feeling of the need to undertake something and sacrifice something." This makes him feel less agitated and happy.

Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):

Pierre (also called "mon cousin".)

Rostopchin (also "governor-general".)

Napoleon Bonaparte (Rostopchin also writes about "the villain", which could be him directly or the French in general.)

Count Wittgenstein

Chigirin

The oldest princess (this is Katerina Semyonovna Mamontof. She is described as "the one with the long waist". The other two are mentioned together as being married. Also called "mon cousine". She also mentions servants and maids.)

Varvara Ivanovna (as in Dole, Dunnigan, and Wiener. "Barbara Ivanovna" in Bell.)

Pierre's head overseer (perhaps the same one as chapter 92.) 

Julie

Princess Mariya

Leppich

Alexander ("sovereign" and "emperor".)

General Kutuzof (also "commander-in-chief".)

Yevstafyevitch (Pierre's coachman. "Yevstafitch" in Garnett. "Evstafey" in Maude and Mandelker. "Yevstafievich" in Edmonds and Dunnigan. "Yevstafyevich" in Briggs. "Evstafevich" in Wiener. Bell drops the name.)

("ladies of rank and merchants' wives" are also mentioned, as is Pierre's regiment. The Rostofs are mentioned in general. Also included in the chapter is a French cook being flogged, another prisoner, the executioner, and the chinovniks, burghers, merchants, peasants, and women watching. Also a law clerk. And of course, in the latter part of the chapter, there are grooms, Cossacks, infantry, cavalry, etc.)

Abridged Versions: Line break after "laying out his cards" and before "The patience came out right" in Bell. End of Part II/Volume II of The Invasion 1807-1812 in Bell.

Gibian: Chapter 18.

Fuller: We pick up on the break of the bad weather on the 24th with Pierre leaving Moscow to Mozhaisk, preserving only the end of the chapter with no break.

Komroff: The detail about the Rastoptchin bulletins losing their humor is removed. Pierre's questioning of what the game of patience means is also removed. The conversation with the eldest princess is slightly shortened. While Leppich is still mentioned in connection to Pierre wanting to go see the balloon, the letter from Alexander is removed. The rest of the chapter is basically preserved.

Kropotkin: Chapter 14: Detail about the tone of the placards about Pierre's reaction to the coming horror is removed. The hot air balloon and the French cook being flogged sections of the chapters are removed without a break, going to Pierre's travel from Moscow.

Bromfield: On the 25th of August, Pierre wants to go to see the battle because he hears about it. He then sees the flogging of the French cook, which is a flipped motivation. There is no episode with Leppich and his balloon or the eldest princess. There is a bit about him staying in his fancy clothes and hat because he did not want to change into his uniform in front of everyone. His anxiety also increases the further he travels from Moscow, which is somewhat opposite of the latter version. There is also a horse-master that gets him a horse that he rides.

Simmons: Chapter 18: the eldest princess is cut out, as is Alexander's letter about Leppich, and a lot of the second half of the chapter is cut, including the yelling at the coachmen, Yevstafyevitch, and the reflections at the end are shortened.

Additional Notes: Maude notes that Franz Leppich's balloon "leaked gas".
Maude note in Gibian edition: "Tolstoy himself often laid out the cards for patience to decide questions he felt doubtful about, and like Pierre in this section he disregarded the decision given by the cards if it did not suit him. At Yasnaya Polyana in 1906 shortly before his daughter Mary died, she told me that being undecided about completing an article he had begun he had laid out a patience to decide whether the article would be of use to the world. The patience did not come out, but he rose from table with the remark: "All the same I shall write it."

Two Hussars: Page 97: “at a standstill in laying out her cards for patience…’Ah, you’ve muddled them all, mamma dear!’ she said, rearranging them. ‘That’s the way they should go. And what you are trying your fortune about will still come true,’ she added, withdrawing a card so that it was not noticed.”

Mikaberidze: Page 35: Leppich...The trouble with balloons, he explained, was their inability to fly against the wind, but by attaching wings they could be made to move in any direction. Although the idea seemed enticing, the King of Wurttemberg initially turned it down, especially after Napoleon had likewise rejected Leppich’s suggestion. But King Frederick later changed his mind and provided modest funding for Leppich’s experiments....In his letter to Emperor Alexander Alopeus described in detail a machine ‘shaped somewhat like a whale,’ capable of lifting ‘40 men with 12,000 pounds of explosives’ to bombard enemy positions, and sailing from Stuttgart to London in an incredible thirteen hours...Leppich - now working under the alias ‘Schmidt’ and officially supervising the production of artillery ammunition...Rostopchin placed large orders for fabric, sulphuric acid, file dust and other assets totally a staggering 160,000 rubles. By July around a hundred labours were working 17-hour shifts at the workshop. Leppich assured Rostopchin that the money was well spent and the flying machine would be completed by 15 August: presumably entire squadrons would soar into the skies above Moscow by autumn!...Many Muscovites genuinely believed in the existence of this ‘super-weapon’ and one Senator even claimed to have seen it used in a test flight that targeted and destroyed a flock of sheep....when nothing was forthcoming Rostopchin wrote a letter to Alexander denoucing Leppich as a ‘charlatan and madman’. The machine was not completed by the time the battle of Borodino was fought, and the subsequent Allied advance threatened Leppich’s secret workshop. So it was loaded onto 130 wagons and moved to Nizhni Novgorod, while Leppich himself was recalled to St Petersburg.”

Nicholas Bigstick (Nikolai Palkin): 

Page 99: I thought back to the last days of Alexander, when, out of a hundred men, twenty were flogged to death. Nicholas must have been kind indeed if Alexander was called kind by comparison with him.”

Book 3 Part 2 Chapter 17 (Chapter 204 overall)

Chapter Summaries: Dole: Life in Moscow. The two voices. Rostopchin's placards. Karpushka Chigirin. Shinshin's jest. Picking lint. Fines for talking French. Gossip concerning the Rostofs. Nikolai and Princess Marya.
Briggs: Moscow. Rostopchin's broadsheets. Pierre hears of Marya's arrival.
Maude: Moscow after the Emperor's visit. Rostopchin's broadsheets. Julie's farewell soiree. Forfeits for speaking French. Pierre hears of Princess Mary's arrival in Moscow
Pevear and Volokhonsky: Moscow as the French approach. Rastopchin's posters. Julie's farewell soiree.

Translation:

XVII.

After the departure of the sovereign from Moscow, Moscow life flowed in the same ordinary order, and during this, life was so usual that it was difficult to remember about the former other day patriotic delight and hobbies, and it was difficult to believe that really Russia was in danger and that the members of the English club were cruxed together with those sons of the fatherland, ready for them to all be victims. Only what reminded about the former time of the stay of the sovereign in Moscow was the overall enthusiastic patriotic mood, was the demand for donations of people and money which, as soon they were made, donned on a lawful, official uniform and it seemed inevitable.

With the approach of the enemy to Moscow, the look of the Muscovites in their position not only was not made more serious, but oppositely more frivolous, as this always is with people that see approaching big danger. At the approaching dangers, always two voices equally strongly speak in the soul of a human: one quite reasonably speaks about so that the person thinks over the very property of dangers and means for deliverance from it; another still more reasonably speaks that it is too heavy and painful to think about dangers, so how to foresee all and to save from the common passage of affairs is not in the authorities of a human, and because it is better to turn away from the heavy, since while it is not advanced, and to think about the pleasant. In one person the most part gives back the first voice, in society the opposite — the second. So it was now with the inhabitants of Moscow. For a long time there was not such fun in Moscow, as this year.

Rastopchin posters with the image of a drinking at home, kissing man and Moscow tradesman Karpushka Chigirin, which, being in the warriors and drinking in excess hook to a poke, heard, as if Bonaparte wanted to go into Moscow, angered, scolded bad words at all the French, got out from drinking at home and began talking under the brave gathered people, read and discussed on par with the last rhyming game of Vasiliy Lvovich Pushkin.

In the club, in the corner of the room, went on readings of these posters, and some liked how Karpushka teased above the French, saying that they from cabbage will swell, from porridge will be shoveled, from cabbage soup will be suffocated, that they are all dwarfs, and that only three women with pitchforks alone will throw them. Some did not approve of this tone and said that this was gone and stupid. Was told about how the French and even all foreigners Rastopchin sent from Moscow, that between them were spies and agents of Napoleon; but this was told predominantly so that in this case to deliver witty words, said Rastopchin in his dispatch. Foreigners were sent to the barge in the lower, and Rastopchin said to them: They enter themselves, and in this boat try so that this boat is not made for you the boat of Charon.652 It was told that now deported from Moscow all public places and here again added the thing of Shinshin that for this alone Moscow should be grateful for Napoleon. It was told that Mamonov’s regiment will stand at 800 thousand, that Bezuhov stood at still in his warriors, but that better only in the act of Bezuhov is that he himself dressed in uniform and rode on horseback before the regiment and will not take for the places with those that will look at him.

— You do not have mercy for anyone, — said Juli Drubetskaya, collecting and clutching a bunch of plucked lint in her thin fingers, covered with rings.

Juli was going on the next day to leave from Moscow and was made a farewell evening.

— Bezuhov is ridiculous,653 but he is so nice, so dear. What is behind the pleasure to be so spiteful?654

— Fine! — said a young person in a militia uniform, whom Juli called: "my knight,"655 and whom with her together rode in the lower.

In the society of Juli, as in many societies of Moscow, it was laid to speak only in Russian, and those whom were mistaken, saying French words, paid a fine in favor of the committee donation.

— Another fine for gallicism, — said a Russian writer, arriving in the living room. —"A pleasure to be" — is not Russian.

— You do not have mercy for anyone, — continued Juli to the militiaman, not turning attention to the comment of the writer. For caustique (spiteful) I am to blame, — she said, — and will pay, and for the pleasure to tell you the truth I am ready to pay more; for gallicisms I will not answer, — she turned to the writer: — In me is no money, or time, as Prince Golitsin, to take a teacher and learn Russian. Ah, here and he, — said Juli.— When...656... No, no, — she turned to the militiaman, — do not catch it. When speaking about the sun — you see his rays, — said the hostess, kindly smiling at Pierre. — We only spoke about you, — with a peculiar societal woman's freedom to lie, said Juli. — We said that your regiment rightly will be better than Mamonov’s.

— Ah, do not speak to me about my regiment, — was the response of Pierre, kissing the hand of the mistress and sitting down beside her. — It has me so bothered!

— Because you rightly will command them yourself? — said Juli, slyly and mockingly exchanging glances with the militiaman.

The militiaman in the presence of Pierre was now not so mocking,657 and on his face expressed perplexity to what was meant by the smile of Juli. Despite his distraction and good nature, the personality of Pierre stopped immediately again all sorts of attempts at mockery in his presence.

— No, — laughing was the response of Pierre, looking around his great, thick body. — I am too easy to get for the French, yes and I am afraid that I will not climb on a horse...

In the number of the enumerated persons for the subject of conversation in the society of Juli was the horror of the Rostovs.

— Very, they say, bad are their affairs, — said Juli. — And he is so stupid — the count himself. Razumovksy would like to buy his house near Moscow, and all those stretches. It is treasured.

— No, it seems the other day took place a sale, — said someone. — Although now it is crazy to buy something in Moscow.

— From what? — said Juli. — Is it really that you think there is danger for Moscow?

— From what again do you ride?

— I? Here it is weird. I am going, because... well because of how all ride, and then I am not Joan D’arc and not an Amazon.

— Well, yes, yes, give me more rags.

— Should he be able to be lucky in affairs, he may pay all his debts, — continued the militiamen about Rostov.

— Kind old man, but very bad.658 And for what do they live so long? They for a long time would like to go to the village. Natalie, it seems, is healthy now? — with a sly smile asked Juli to Pierre.

— They wait for the younger son, — said Pierre. — He entered in the Cossacks of Obolensky and went to White Church. There is formed a regiment. But now they transferred him to my regiment and wait every day. The count for a long time wanted to go, but the countess for that does not agree to leave from Moscow, while the son does not come.

— I saw them three days at the Arharovs. Natalie again has become prettier and cheered up. She sang one romance. How all easily passes in some people!

— What passes? — displeased, asked Pierre. Juli smiled.

— You know, count, that such a knight as you, are only in the novels of madam Syuza.659

— What knight? From what? — blushing ask Pierre.

— Well, completely, sweet count, this all Moscow knows. Right, I am surprised by you.660

— Fine! Fine! — said the militiaman.

— Well, okay. It cannot be to speak, how boring!

— What knows all Moscow?661 — angrily getting up said Pierre.

— Completely, count. You know!

— I know nothing, — said Pierre.

— I know that you were friendly with Natalie, and because... no, I am always friendlier with Vera. This pretty Vera!662

— No, madam,663 — continued Pierre in a dissatisfied tone. — I quite not take on myself the role of knight for the Rostovs, and I now for almost a month have not been at them. Yet I do not understand cruelty...

— Who excuses, then I blame myself,664 — smiling and waving the lint, said Juli, and, so that for her left the latter word, now again changed conversation. — What is, I now recognize: poor Marie Bolkonskaya arrived yesterday in Moscow. You have heard, she lost her father?

— Is it really! Where is she? I would very much desire to see her, — said Pierre.

— I yesterday held with her an evening. She now tomorrow morning rides to near Moscow with her nephew.

— Well what is she, and how? — said Pierre.

— Nothing, sad. But do you know who saved her? This is a whole novel. Nicolas Rostov. She was surrounded, and would like to be killed, wounded by her people. He rushed and saved her...

— More novel, — said the militiaman. — Resolutely, this common escape was done so that all old brides go to get married. Catiche one, Princess Bolkonskaya another.

— You know that I in the very case think that she a little fell in love with the young person.665

— Fine! Fine! Fine!

— Yet how again do you say this in Russian?..

652 "Rentrez en vous même, entrez dans la barque et n'en faites pas une barque de Charon. ("Get inside yourself, get in the boat and don't make it a Charon boat.)

653 est ridicule, (is ridiculous,)

654 caustique (caustic)

655 mon chevalier (my knight)

656 Quand on (When we)

657 caustique (caustic)

658 pauvre sire. (poor sir.)

659 Madame Suza. (Madame Suza.)

660 c'est la fable de tout Moscou. Je vous admire, ma parole d’honneur. (is the fable of all Moscow. I admire you, my word of honor.)

661 Qu’est ce qui est la fable de tout Moscou? (What is the fable of all Moscow?)

662 Cette chère Véra! (That dear Vera!)

663 Non, madame, (No, ma'am,)

664 Qui s’excuse — s’accuse, (Who excuses - accuses,)

665 un petit peu amoureuse du jeune homme. (a little bit in love with the young man.)

Time: After the emperor's departure
Mentioned: the following day, few days, the other day, last evening

Locations: Moscow (also Muscovites and Moscou in the French)
Mentioned: Russia, English club, French, Nizhni-Novgorod, the Rostovs house and suburban estate, Byelaya Tserkov (Belaya Tserkov in Maude, Briggs, and Pevear and Volokhonsky.)

Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: "Moscow life flowed on in its former, habitual way, and the course of that life was so habitual that it was hard to remember the recent days of patriotic rapture and enthusiasm, and it was had to believe that Russia was actually in danger".
The reason for this is that the people of Moscow have unconsciously decided collectively that it is better not to think of the danger. Evidently Pierre has decided to ride out with his militia, but we follow Julie's farewell soiree in which they have decided to speak Russian and fine those for who speak French (and this provides most of the comedy in the chapter).
Count Rostov is attempting to sell his Moscow property but is asking too much for it. Julie torments Pierre for his closeness to Natasha. Revealingly, Julie reveals that she has always been closer to Vera than Natasha.

Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):

Alexander ("sovereign")

Rostopchin

Vasili Lvovitch Pushkin (see Bromfield in post on Chapter 143. "...Lvovich..." in Wiener, Edmonds, and Maude. "Vassily Lvovitch Pushkin" in Garnett. "Vasily Lvovich Pushkin" in Dunnigan. Only "Pouschkine" in Bell.)

Karpushka Chigirin (in Rostopchin's placards.)

Napoleon Bonaparte

Shinshin (Bell has Julie speaking to Shinshin for some reason.)

Mamonof

Pierre Bezukhoi

Julie Drubetskaya

A young man, in a militia-uniform (whom Julie called "Mon chevalier". Bell translates this as "My knight".)

Prince Golitsuin

Razumovskys

Count Rostof

Natasha ("Nathalie" and "Mlle. Rostova".)

Petya ("youngest son")

Countess Rostova ("countess")

Obolyensky

Viera (Dole uses "Vera" in the French.)

Princess Mariya ("Marie Bolkonskaya")

Prince Nikolai Bolkonsky ("father")

Nikolushka ("little nephew")

Nikolai ("Nicolas Rostof")

Catiche (assumedly one of the princesses from Book 1 Part 1 related to Pierre.)

(also mentioned are the members of the English Club that promised to sacrificed everything for the tsar. Moscovites are talked about as a collective, as are foreigners. Also a Russian author that talks to Julie. Also someone else that speaks up at the soiree. Julie makes references to Joan d'Arc and Amazon. I counted Madame de Souza as just a reference earlier in the novel, so I won't add her to the character list just for consistency. The Arkharofs are also mentioned.)

Abridged Versions: Start of Chapter 20 in Bell with no break at the end.
Gibian: Chapter 17.
Fuller: Entire chapter is cut.
Komroff: The introduction about the mood of Moscow is shortened to just two sentences, moving to Rastoptchin's posters much quicker. the basic information about this is kept, though the Pushkin reference is removed. However, the Julie and Pierre portion of the chapter is basically preserved.
Kropotkin: Chapter 13: Chapter is preserved.
Bromfield: The information in this chapter is chapter 10. Chapter 8 follows de Beausset and Fabvier at Napoleon's headquarters with him. A general warns Napoleon to stop and spend the winter in Smolensk, but "fate had evidently decided otherwise" as Napoleon uses the good weather as an excuse to continue their march on. We then have the episode of the King of Rome painting. Napoleon then rides out to field of Borodino and listens to his generals and advisers opinions. Chapter 9 is the Shevardino redoubt in which ten thousand people die on the 24th and the 26th is the battle of Borodino "which historians call a great event" with both sides declaring themselves winners. "But to us, the generations who have followed after these events, it all seems just as sad an event as a single murder, and more interesting only to the extent that eighty thousand murders committed in a single day at a single spot are more interesting than one"
"The actions taken by Napoleon and Kutuzov at the Battle of Borodino were involuntary and meaningless. Why, in the first place, was battle given at Borodino? It did not make sense for either the French or the Russians."
This makes the move into chapter 10, which mirrors this chapter (other than the focus is on Pierre and we don't get the conversations about Natasha and Marya), seem really jarring.
Simmons: Chapter 17: entire chapter is cut and replaced with "After the patriotic excitement of the Emperor's visit to Moscow, life flows on as usual there. It even grows frivolous with the enemy's approach to the city. Julie Drubetskoya, Boris' wife, twits Pierre on becoming Natasha's knight; he is offended at the gossip. Julie also tells him of Princess Mary's arrival in Moscow and of her rescue by Nicholas Rostov."

Additional Notes:
Dole: "Vasili Lvovitch Pushkin, the uncle of the poet Aleksandr Sergyeyevitch Pushkin, was born at Moscow in April, 1770; served in the body guard in the Izmailovsky regiment till 1797; began to contribute to the Petersburg "Mercury," 1793; wrote an immense number of episteld, elegies, fables, epigrams, madrigals, etc. The war of 1812 sent him to Nizhni Novgorod, where he remained till 1815. He died September 1, 1830, about seven years before his more famous namesake was killed. His best known work...A Dangerous Neighbor has been thrice republished...."
Maude: "Adelaide Filleul Souza-Bothelho (1761-1836), author of the long-forgotten novel Adele de Senange, whose works were popular in Russia because she was the wife of the Portuguese ambassador."

Rey/Emanuel: Page 231: "In March 1812, wanting to win over anti-French opinion, Alexander named Count Rostopchin governor-general of Moscow: as we have seen, he was close to Catherine Pavlovna and had written virulent pamphlets against the French, so his appointment appeared highly symbolic."

Mikaberidze: Page 28: “as Catherine II lay on her deathbed in November 1796, Rostopchin was among those few who could be confident about the future. Indeed, his career took off under Emperor Paul, who appreciated the young man’s commitment and keen wit...Emperor Alexander I, disliked Rostopchin...effectively turning himself into an unofficial mouthpiece of the anti-French traditionalist party that gradually gained prominence in the upper circles of Russian society. Among its more vocal members was Grand Duchess Catherine Pavlovna, Emperor Alexander’s beloved sister, who had declined a marriage proposal from Napoleon and instead married a Gerrman princeling, George of Oldenburg.”

Page 29: “In the spring of 1812 Emperor Alexander granted his sister’s wish and appointed Rostopchin military governor of Moscow...In late July Rostopchin received even greater authority when Alexander appointed him commander-in-chief of Moscow….A clever man, skilful courtier, wit and cynic, he proved an able administrator and sought to restore the order that had waned under his predecessor’s lax governing...He demanded tighter supervision of the city to put an end to ‘debauchery, drunkenness, (and) outrages of various kinds’...At the same time, eager to ingratiate himself with influential Muscovites, Rostopchin presided over a seemingly unending series of balls, banquets, dinners and other parties, causing some to remark that the 1812 season was the most brilliant people had known in a long time.” 

Bila Tserkva is about 86 kilometers south of Kyiv.

Book 3 Part 2 Chapter 16 (Chapter 203 overall)

Chapter Summaries: Dole: Interview between Prince Andrei and Kutuzof. Kutuzof cunctator. "Time and patience." His genuine Russian character. "Don't."
Briggs: Andrey trusts Kutuzov and his motto: 'Patience and Time'.
Maude: The priest's wife offers Kutuzov 'bread and salt'. He has a further talk with Prince Andrew who declines a place on the staff. 'Patience and Time'. Prince Andrew's confidence in Kutuzov

Translation:

XVI.

— Well now everything, — said Kutuzov, signing the last paper and, heavy lifting and spreading the folds of his white, plump neck, with a cheered up face directed to the door.

The wife of the priest, with a rush of blood on her face, grabbed for the dish which, despite that she had so long prepared it, she all the same had not managed to give it in time. And with a low bow she brought it to Kutuzov.

The eye of Kutuzov squinted; he smiled, took her hand for his chin and said:

— And how beautiful! Thanks, darling!

He took out of the pocket of his trousers some gold and placed it on the dish.

— Well what, how to live? — said Kutuzov, directing to the alloted for him room. The wife of the priest, smiling with dimples on a blushed face, passed for him to the chambermaid. The adjutant got out to Prince Andrey on the porch and invited him to breakfast; in half an hour Prince Andrey called again to Kutuzov. Kutuzov lied on the armchair in that same unfastened frock coat. He held in his hand a French book and at the entrance of Prince Andrey, laid it down with a knife, displaced. This was the Knights of the Swan,647 a writing of madam de Genlis,648 as saw Prince Andrey by the wrapper.

— Well sit down, sit down here, talk, — said Kutuzov. — sad, very sad. Yet remember, my friend that I am your father, another father... — Prince Andrey told Kutuzov all that he knew about the demise of his father, and about what he saw at Bald Mountains, driving through them.

— To what... to what led it! — spoke suddenly Kutuzov in a thrilled voice, obviously clearly presenting to himself, from the story of Prince Andrey, the position, in which Russia was found. — Give terms, give terms, — he added with a vicious expression on his face and, obviously not wishing to continue this worrying to him conversation, said: — I called you for you to be left with myself.

— I thank your lordship, — was the response of Prince Andrey, — but I am afraid that I am not fit anymore for staff, — he said with a smile, which Kutuzov saw. Kutuzov interrogatively looked at him. — But the main thing, — added Prince Andrey, — I am used to the regiment, love the officers, and the people, it seems, have fallen in love with me. It would be a pity for me to leave the regiment. Should I refuse from honor to be with you, then believe...

A clever, good and together with that thin and mocking expression shined on the chubby face of Kutuzov. He interrupted Bolkonsky.

— I regret, you would need me; but you are right, you are right. We do not need people here. Advisers are always many, but people are not. There would not be such regiments, if all the advisers would serve there in the regiments, as you. I from Austerlitz remember you... I remember, remember, with the banner I remember, — said Kutuzov, and a joyful color threw on the face of Prince Andrey at these recollections. Kutuzov pulled him behind the arm, substituting his cheek, and again Prince Andrey in the eyes of the old man saw tears. Although Prince Andrey knew that Kutuzov was fragile in tears, and that he especially caressed him in pity owing to the willingness to express empathy to his loss, but for Prince Andrey happy and flattering was this memory about Austerlitz.

— Go with the Lord on his path. I know your journey — this is a journey of honor. — He was silent. — I pitied about you in Bucharest: I needed to send you. — And, changing conversation, Kutuzov started to speak about the Turkish war and the conclusion of peace. — Yes, not little reproached me, — said Kutuzov, — for the war and for the peace... but all has come in time. Everything comes in time for those, who know to wait.649 And there were not less advisers than here... — he continued, returning to the advisers, which apparently occupied him. — Oh advisers, advisers! — he said. — If we would all listen, we would be there in Turkey and peace would not be concluded, yes and the war would not be finished. All soon, but fast in the long exit. If Kamensky would not have died, he would be gone. He with thirty thousand stormed fortresses. Taking a fortress is not difficult, to win a campaign is difficult. But for this you do not need to storm and to attack, but need patience and time. Kamensky to Rushchuk sent soldiers, but I only to them (patience and time) sent and took more fortresses than Kamensky, and made the Turks eat horse meat. — He shook his head. — And will the French too! Believe my word, — encouragingly spoke Kutuzov, hitting himself on the chest: — They will by me eat horse meat! — and again his eyes glazed in tears.

— However the same must we accept a battle? — said Prince Andrey.

— We must, if all want this, there is nothing to do... but believe, darling: no stronger are those two warriors, patience and time; those do all, and advisers by this ear do not hear, — that is what is bad!650 One wants to, another does not want to. What to do? — he asked, apparently expecting an answer. — And, what do you command to do? — he repeated, and his eyes shone a deep, smart expression. — I say to you, what to do, — he spoke, as Prince Andrey all the same was not responding. — I say to you, what to do, and what I will do. In doubt, my dear, — he was silent —refrain,651 — he reprimanded with arrangement.

— Well, goodbye, my friend; remember that I in all my soul carry with you your loss and that I am to you not lordly, not prince and not commander in chief, but I am your father. Should that be needed, all to me. Goodbye, darling. — he again hugged and kissed him. And Prince Andrey still did not have time to exit to the door, as Kutuzov reassuringly sighed and took again for the unfinished novel of madam Genlis Les chevaliers du Gygne (The Knights of the Swan).

How and from what this happened, Prince Andrey could not in any way explain; but after this meeting with Kutuzov he returned to his regiment calmed in the score of the common passage of cases and in the score of who it entrusted was to. The more he saw absent only the personal in this old man, in whom stayed as if only habits of passions instead of a mind (grouping events and making findings) only the ability of calm contemplation of the passage of events, by that more he was calm for that what all will be so, as it must be. "In him will be nothing. He thinks up nothing, nothing will be undertaken," thought Prince Andrey, "but he will listen to all, will remember all, will place all in their place, nothing useful will be disturbed and nothing harmful will be allowed. He understands what is something stronger and more significant than his commitment, — this is the imminent move of events, and he knows to see them, knows to understand their matters, and in this view of meaning he knows to recant from participation in these events, from his personal commitment, directed to another. "But the main thing," thought Prince Andrey, "why I believe in him is that he is Russian, despite the novel of Genlis and French sayings; this is that how his voice trembled when he said: "To what led!" and that he was stuck saying about how he "forced them to eat horse meat." In this same feeling, which more or less vaguely was tested by all, and was established that unanimity and common good, which accompanied the popular, contrary to courtier considerations, to the election of Kutuzov as commander in chief.

647 Les chevaliers du Cygne, (The Knights of the Swan,)

648 madame de Genlis, (Madame de Genlis,)

649 Tout vient à point à celui qui sait attendre. (Everything comes right to him who knows how to wait.)

650 n'entendent pas de cette oreille, voilà le mal. (do not hear with this ear, here is the evil.)

651 Dans le doute, mon cher, abstiens toi, (In doubt, my dear, abstain,)

Time: see previous chapter, half an hour later

Locations: see previous chapter
Mentioned: French, Lysyya Gory, Russia (and Russian), Austerlitz, Bucharest, Turkey (also Turk and Turkish), Rushchuk

Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: Staying with Kutuzov and Prince Andrei, Andrei says he wants to stay with his regiment rather than being an adviser. Kutuzov tells him that he remembers what Andrei did at Austerlitz and weeps again.
Kutuzov: "I've been reproached a good deal...both for the war and the peace."
Note: The gifted young general N. M. Kamensky (1778-1811) took part in several stormings of fortresses...during the Turkish campaign of 1810-11, but fell ill and died before the end of the war, which was negotiated by Kutuzov."
Kutuzov claims that he made the Turks eat horseflesh and that he will make the French eat it too.
"there's nothing stronger than those two warriors, patience and time...When in doubt, my dear...abstain"
Prince Andrei's inner monologue on Kutuzov: "He understands that there is something stronger and more significant than his will--the inevitable course of events--and he's able to see them....renounce his personal will and direct it elsewhere."
This, Tolstoy tells us, is why that while the court rejects Kutuzov, the people accept him as their own. Importantly, he is fundamentally Russian.

Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):

Kutuzof (also "serene highness", "commander-in-chief", "prince", and "father" to Andrei.)

The priest's wife (from last chapter, with the priest (pope in Dole) obviously getting a mention as well.)

Prince Andrei Bolkonsky

Madame de Genlis

Prince Nikolai Bolkonsky ("father")

Kamiensky

(also an adjutant that invites Prince Andrei to dinner, debatable whether he was in the last chapter. The Turks and French are talked about continually, as are the advisers that are always around Kutuzov.)

Abridged Versions: End of chapter 19 in Bell.
Gibian: Chapter 16.
Fuller: The chapter begins with Kutuzov making Andrey sit down and have a talk and that he is another father to him, removing everything with the priest's wife, the adjutant getting Andrey to go to lunch with him, and the Madame de Genlis reference. The conversation about the Turkish war is removed. We end with a line break.
Komroff: The priest's wife is removed. Conversations are trimmed down and the chapter ends with a line break after Time and Patience, removing Andre's monologue at the end of the chapter.
Kropotkin: Chapter 12: We start after Andrei gets back from lunch, but the rest of the chapter is preserved.
Bromfield: End of Chapter 7, the real difference lying in Prince Andrei's reflections after his conversation, which are more about himself and how the conversation affected him rather than his and Russia's view of Kutuzov.
Simmons: Chapter 16: A few small details, like the Madame de Genlis book, are removed, but overall the chapter is preserved.

Additional Notes:

Davidov/Troubetzkoy: Page 84: "I decided to ask for a separate command in disregard of the much repeated and generally observed rule: never ask for an assignment nor refuse one!"

Segur/Townsend: Page 54: Kutuzov was described to him as an old man whose reputation dated from the time, long ago, when he had received an unusual wound. Since then he had always managed to take skillful advantage of events. Even the defeat at Austerlitz--which he had predicted--had increased his standing, and his last campaigns against the Turks had added to his stature....His slow, vindictive, and crafty nature was characteristic of the Tartar, and he could prepare for implacable warfare with a policy of gentleness, flexibility, and patience."

Troyat/Pinkham: Page 150: “No sooner was Kutuzov named to his supreme post than he prepared to leave for the army. Before setting out he met one last time with Madame de Stael. The new generalissimo, who had been soundly educated in Strasbourg and was deeply interested in French literature, admired this capable, talented woman. She for her part saw him as the champion of resistance to the invader. “He was an old man with the most graceful manners and animated expression, although he had lost an eye by one of the many wounds he had received in the fifty years of his military career,” she wrote. “Looking at him, I was afraid he would not be to the struggle against the strong and ruthless men who were swooping down upon Russia from every corner of Europe; but the Russians, who are courtiers in St. Petersburg, become Tatars again in the army...I was moved when I left this illustrious Marshal Kutuzov; I did not know whether I was embracing a conqueror or a martyr, but I could see he understood all the greatness of the cause for which he was responsible.”

Book 3 Part 2 Chapter 15 (Chapter 202 overall)

Chapter Summaries: Dole: Prince Andrei joins Kutuzof at Tsarevo-Zaimishchi. Denisof again. Denisof's bold scheme. Arrival of Kutuzof. His appearance. Sorrow at Prince Bolkonsky's death. Denisof broaches his scheme. Kutuzof transacts business. Kutuzof's scorn of sense and science. German punctilio. 
Briggs: Andrey meets Denisov, who wants to develop guerrilla resistance.
Maude: Prince Andrew goes to headquarters and meets Denisov, who wants guerrilla troops to break the French line of communication. Kutuzov's reception of them. He transacts business
Pevear and Volokhonsky: Prince Andrei at Kutuzov's headquarters. Meets Denisov. Personal conversation with Kutuzov. The priest's wife greets Kutuzov with bread and salt. Kutuzov's thoughts on warfare. Prince Andrei's thoughts on Kutuzov.

Translation:

XV.

Accepting command above the armies, Kutuzov remembered about Prince Andrey and sent him an order to arrive at the main apartment.

Prince Andrey had arrived on the Tsar Floodplain on that very day and at that very time of day, when Kutuzov made the first review of troops. Prince Andrey had stopped in the village at the home of a priest, at which stood the crew of the commander in chief, and sat down on a bench at the gate, expecting the lordly, as all called now Kutuzov. In the field behind the village were heard those sounds of regimental music, that roar of a huge quantity of voices shouting: "hoorah!" to the new commander in chief. Here the same at the gate, at 10 steps from Prince Andrey, taking advantage of the lack of the prince and the beautiful weather, were standing two valets, a courier and a butler. A blackish, with an overgrown mustache and whiskers, little hussar lieutenant colonel drove to the gate and, looking at Prince Andrey, asked: whether the lordly stayed here and whether he will be there soon.

Prince Andrey said that he did not belong to the staff of the lordly and was also a newcomer. The hussar lieutenant colonel turned to the smart batman, and the valet of the commander in chief said to him with that special contempt with which speak orderlies of commanders in chief with officers:

— What lordly? He should be here now. You are what?

The hussar lieutenant colonel grinned in his mustache at the tone of the valet, tore from his horse, gave to the messenger and came up to Bolkonsky, a little bowing to him. Bolkonsky stepped aside on the bench. The hussar lieutenant colonel sat down beside him.

— Also waiting for the commander in chief? — began talking the hussar lieutenant colonel. — He speaks to all available, thank God. But with those sausages its trouble! Not for nothing Ermolov in the Germans requested. Now perhaps Russians will be able to speak. But damn, who knows what they did. All retreated — all retreated. You made a trip? — he asked.

— I have had the pleasure, — was the response of Prince Andrey, — to not only participate in the retreat, but in this retreat lose all that had been dear, not speaking about names and my native house... My father, who died from grief. I am Smolensk.

— Ah?.. Are you Prince Bolkonsky? Very glad to become acquainted: lieutenant colonel Denisov, more known under the name Vaski, — said Denisov, shrugging the hand of Prince Andrey and with especially kind attention peering at the face of Bolkonsky. — Yes, I hear, — he said with empathy, and keeping silent a little, he continued: — And here is Scythian war. This is all okay, only not for those whose sides puff out. But you Prince are Andrey Bolkonsky? — he shook his head. — Very glad. Prince, very glad to become acquainted, — he added again with a sad smile, shrugging his hand.

Prince Andrey knew Denisov by the stories of Natasha about her first groom. These memories sweetly and hurtfully carried over him now to those painful sensations, about which he in the latter time for a long time now had not thought, but that all the same were in his soul. In the latter time so many other serious impressions, as the abandonment of Smolensk, his arrival at Bald Mountains, the recent news about the death of his father, — so many sensations were tested by him that these memories now for long time did not come to him, and when it came, it long away did not act on him with the same force. And for Denisov that row of memories, that called the name Bolkonsky, were distant, poetically verified, when he, after dinner and singing with Natasha, himself not knowing how, made a proposal to a fifteen year old girl. He smiled at the memories of this time and his love to Natasha immediately again moved to that what passionately and exclusively now occupied him. This was a plan for the campaign, which he thought up, serving in the time of the retreats at the outposts. He submitted this plan to Barclay-de-Tolly, and now was found to represent it to Kutuzov. The plan was founded on that the operation of the line of the French was too stretched out and that instead of going together with them, so that to act from the front, blocking the road of the French, the need was to act at their posts. He started to clarify his plan to Prince Andrey.

— They may not hold throughout these lines. This is impossible, I answer that to break through them; give me 500 people, I will tear them, this is right! The only system — partisan.

Denisov got up and, making gestures, expounded his plan to Bolkonsky. In the middle of his expositions, the shouting army, more awkward, more widespread and merging with music and songs, was heard in the location of the review. In the village was heard clattering and shouting.

— Himself rides, — shouted a Cossack, standing at the gate, — He rides! Bolkonsky and Denisov moved to the gate, at which stood a bunch of soldiers (the honorable guard) and was seen moving forward by the street of Kutuzov, on horseback a low bay horse. The huge suite of generals rode behind him. Barclay rode almost nearby; a crowd of officers ran behind them and around them and shouted: "hoorah!"

Forward in the yard galloped adjutants. Kutuzov, impatiently pushing his horse, floating ambly under his weight, and incessantly nodded his head, applied his hand to his white cavalry (with a red band and without a visor) cap, which was on him. Driving to the honorary guard of well done grenadiers, for the most part cavaliers, giving way to his honor, he with a moment silently and carefully looked at them with a superior stubborn look and turned around to the crowd of generals and officers, standing around him. His face suddenly had accepted a thin expression; he lifted his shoulders with a gesture of perplexity.

— And with such well done all back and back! — he said. — Well, goodbye, general, — he added and touched his horse at the gate past Prince Andrey and Denisov.

— Hoorah! Hoorah! Hoorah! —  shouted back at him.

With that since, as Prince Andrey had not seen him, Kutuzov had become more fat, flabby and swollen wide. Yet the acquaintance of his white eye and wound, and the expression of fatigue on his face and figure were that same. He was dressed in a uniform frock coat (a lash on a thin belt hung across his shoulder), and heavy spreading out and swaying, sat on his cheerful horse.

— Fyu...fyu... fyu... — whistled a little bit heard, entering in the yard. On his face expressed the reassuring joy of a man, intending to relax after representation. He took out his left leg from the stirrup, falling down to all of his body and wincing from efforts, with labor bringing it in the saddle, leaning on a knee, grunting and coming down to hand it to the Cossacks and adjutants who supported him.

He recovered, turned back his own narrowed eyes and, looking at Prince Andrey, apparently not upon learning him, walked with his diving gait to the porch.

— Fyu... Fyu... Fyu, — he whistled, and again turned back to Prince Andrey. The impression of the face of Prince Andrey, only after several seconds (as this is often is in old people), contacted with the memory about his personality.

— Ah hello, prince, hello, darling, go... — he tiredly spoke, looking back, and heavily entered in the creaking under his weight porch. He unbuttoned and sat down on the bench standing on the porch.

— Well what father?

— Yesterday I received the news about his demise, — shortly said Prince Andrey.

Kutuzov with scared and open eyes looked at Prince Andrey, then stripped off his cap and crossed himself: "The kingdom is his heaven! And the will of God above all of us!" he heavily, with all his breast, sighed and was silent."I loved and respected him and sympathize with all of your soul." He hugged Prince Andrey, pressed him to his fat breast and for long did not let go from himself. When he let him go, Prince Andrey saw that the blurred lips of Kutuzov trembled, and in his eyes were tears. He sighed and took both hands behind the bench, so that to get up.

— Go, go to me, talk, — he said; but at this time was Denisov, so the same as little timid before superiors as before the enemy, despite that, how the adjutants on the porch angrly whispered to stop him, he boldly, banging spurs by steps, entered onto the porch. Kutuzov, leaving his hand stubbornly on the bench, displeased, watched Denisov. Denisov, calling himself, declared that he had to report to his lordship business of big importance for the good of the fatherland. Kutuzov’s tired look began to look at Denisov in an annoying gesture, accepting his hand and folding it on his belly, repeating: "For the good of the fatherland? Well what is such? Speak." Denisov, red as a girl (so weird was it to see color on this mustached, old and drunk face) and boldly started to set out his plan of cutting the operation lines of the enemy between Smolensk and Vyazma. Denisov lived on these edges and knew well the terrain. His plan seemed undoubtedly good, in particular that strength of belief, which was in his words. Kutuzov watched himself on the legs and occasionally looked around to the yard of the neighboring huts, as if he was waiting for something unpleasant from there. From the huts in which he watched, really in the time of the speech of Denisov, appeared a general with a portfolio under his shoulder.

— What? — in the middle of the exposition of Denisov spoke Kutuzov, — Already ready?

— Ready, your lordship, — said the general. Kutuzov shook his head, as if saying: "So this is all to be in the time of one person," and continued to listen to Denisov.

— I give the honest noble word of a Russian officer, — spoke Denisov, — that I will tear the posts of Napoleon.

— Are you Kirill Andreevich Denisov, chief-quartermaster, as I have? — Kutuzov interrupted him.

— My native uncle, your lordship.

— Ah! We were buddies, — funnily said Kutuzov. — Okay, okay, darling, stay here at staff, tomorrow we will talk, — nodding his head to Denisov, he turned away and held out his hand to the papers that were brought to him by Konovnitsyn.

— Whether there is not anyone your lordships welcomes in the room, — in a dissatisfied voice said the on duty general: — it is necessary to consider plans and sign some paperwork. — The exiting from the door adjutant reported that in the apartment all was ready. Yet Kutuzov apparently wanted to enter in the room now free. He grimaced...

— No, lead to give, darling, here on the table, I will see it here,— he said. — You do not go away, — he added, turning to Prince Andrey. Prince Andrey stayed on the porch, listening to the duty officer general.

In the time of the report, behind the entrance of the door Prince Andrey heard female whispering and the crunching of female silk dresses. A few times, looking by that direction, he noticed behind the door, in a pink dress and purple silk shawl on her head, a complete, rosy and beautiful woman with a dish, who obviously awaited the entry commander in chief. The adjutant of Kutuzov whisperingly explained to Prince Andrey that this was the hostess at the home of the priest, which intended to give bread and salt to his lordship. Her husband met the lordly with a cross in the church, but she was at home..."Very pretty," added the adjutant with a smile. Kutuzov turned back at these words. Kutuzov listened to the report of the duty officer general (the chief subject of which was criticism of the positions at Tsar Floodplain), so the same as he listened to Denisov, so the same as he listened seven years to that backwards the debate of the Austerlitz military council. He obviously listened only from that on him were ears, which, despite that in one of them was a nautical rope, that could not not hear; but it was obvious that nothing of what could be said to him by the on duty general could only surprise or interest him, but what he knew forward of all, that he said and listened to all this  only because of how he needed to listen, as was needed to listen to a singing prayer. All that was spoken by Denisov was efficient and clever. That what was spoken by the on duty general, was still more efficient and smarter, but it was obvious that Kutuzov despised knowledge and minds, and knew something other that must solve business, — something other, independent from minds and knowledge. Prince Andrey carefully watched for the expressions of the face of the commander in chief, and the only expression, which he could notice on him, was an expression of boredom, curiosity to what such was meant by the female whisper behind the door, and the wish to comply with decency. It was obvious that Kutuzov despised minds and knowledge and even the patriotic feeling, which was shown by Denisov, but despised not minds, not feelings, not knowledge (because of how he did not try to show them), but he despised them with some other. He despised his old age, his experience of life. Another disposition, which from himself in this report made Kutuzov, carried off to the looting of the Russian troops. The on duty general, at the end of the report, represented to the lordly paper for signature about the recovery from the army chiefs by the petition of the landowner for beveled green oats.

Kutuzov smacked his lips, and rocked his head, listening to this business.

— Into the stove... into the fire! And the time forever you speak, darling, — he said, — all these affairs in the fire. Let it mow bread and burn firewood in health. I do not order and do not allow this, but I cannot charge. Without this it cannot be. Firewood falls — splinters fly. — He looked another time at the paper — Ah, the accuracy of a German! — he spoke, shaking his head.

Time: the very day and at the time of the day when Kutuzov was reviewing the troops for the first time.
Mentioned: supper, yesterday, seven years before

Locations: Tsarevo-Zaymishche
Mentioned: German, Russians, Andrei's estates and home, Smolensk, Scythian, Lysyya Gory, French, Vyazma, Austerlitz

Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: We switch to Andrei, who is sent by Kutuzov and then forced to wait, which is again met with a pair of very brief concurrent sentences: "Bolkonsky moved over on the bench. The hussar lieutenant colonel sat down beside him."
The return of Densiov and his speech impediment and contempt for the Germans.
Prince Andrei's sarcasm: "I had the pleasure...not only of taking part in the retreat, but also of losing in that retreat everything that was dear to me". This is how we see the reaction to his father's death.
Denisov, since Andrei knew of him because Natasha had told him about Denisov's proposal to her, brings up a painful feeling in Andrei. For Denisov, Natasha is a present memory for him that seems like a distant time. Now, he is focused completely on his plan that he wants to present to Kutuzov (as the note suggests, this "partisan warfare" plan is the one put in place by Densiov's real-life counterpart Denis Davidov, which Pevear and Volokhonsky spells "Davydov"). Kutuzov appears, gets a rather long and comical description, and Prince Andrei tells him of his father's death, which affects Kutuzov and causes him to cry. Denisov interrupts to inject his plan, which because of his conviction and Kutuzov knowing his uncle, gets him an audience, but when Kutuzov has to listen to a report, he listens to the report "in the same way as he had listened to Denisov, in the same way as he had listened, seven years earlier, to the debate at the Austerlitz council of war. He obviously listened only because he had ears, which despite the fact that one of them was stopped up with hemp, could not help listening...to it only because he had to listen, as one has to listen to the singing of a prayer service...Kutuzov despised both knowledge and intelligence, and knew something else that was to decide matters...Kutuzov despised the intelligence, the knowledge, and even the patriotic feeling shown by Denisov....He despised them with old age, with his experience of life."
At the end of the chapter, Kutuzov gets angry at the general on duty because a landowner complained that oats had been mowed down, saying he doesn't order looting and pillaging, but he can't punish them because "When you chop wood, the chips fly...Oh, German scrupulosity!"

Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):

Kutuzof (also "serene highness", "prince", and "chief commander". He also has a courier and house-steward. Also his "little bay cob".)

Prince Andrei Bolkonsky

Vaska Denisof (also "lieutenant-colonel of hussars".)

Yermolof 

Prince Nikolai Bolkonsky ("father")

Natasha

Barclay de Tolly

Napoleon

Kirill Andreyevitch Denisof (the "Ober-intendant" or "Quartermaster General" in Dunnigan. For variations on "Kirill", see chapter 8. For variations on "Andreyevitch", see chapter 23.)

Konovnitsuin (the general with a portfolio under his arm that brings it to Kutuzof. "Konovnitsyn" in Maude, Edmonds, and Garnett.)

(also: many soldiers, the priest who owns the house, a "spruce-looking denschchik" or "dressed-up orderly" as in Wiener, the Cossack guard, the "tremendous suite of generals" and adjutants around Kutuzof, and an officer of the day, who may or may not be different than Konovnitsuin, which would make the latter most likely a mentioned character rather than one that is inside the chapter. A pretty woman in a pink dress, the mistress of the house (and the priest or "pope's" wife) also appears. A landowner or "proprietor" is also referenced.)

Abridged Versions: Start of Chapter 19 in Bell with no break.
Gibian:
Fuller: The paragraph where Andrey and Denisov reflect on Natasha is removed. The reflections on Kutuzov given at the end of the chapter is removed, as is the conversation about the proprietor. No line break.
Komroff: The rude orderly early in the chapter is not here. Rest of chapter seems preserved and is followed by a line break.
Kropotkin: Chapter 11: Some of the description early in the chapter is gone, getting to Denisof quicker. Kutuzof with his generals before Andrei notices how fat he has gotten is removed. The chapter also ends after Kutuzof tells Denisof he will speak with him tomorrow.
Bromfield: Chapter 7: The rude orderly early in the chapter isn't there. The story about the proprietor also isn't here. No break.
Simmons: Chapter 15: we get to Denisov a little faster and Denisov's exposition of his plan both to Kutuzov and Andrew are much shorter. The portfolio and Kutuzov signing the papers is severely shortened.

Additional Notes: Mandelker: "Kutuzov consented to his (Davydov) making the attempt with a party of 130 Cossacks and hussars, but in the historical event Davydov had to wait until after the battle of Borodino to begin his operations."
Garnett: "this is Scythian warfare": The Scythians, a nomadic central Asian people who settled in the European Russian steppe in the first half of the seventh century B.C., were celebrated warriors. Densiov is referring to Herodotus' account of the encounter between the Scythians and the Persians, under Darius, in 514 B.C. Faced with an invading army of 700,000 Persians, the Scythians did not engage in head-on-battle but continuously retreated. Frustrated, Darius ordered his troops to withdraw. In a maneuver similar to that of the Russians in 1812, the Scythians harassed the retreating enemy all to the way (sic) to the Danube River."

Hosking: Page 267: ..And if the Russian people were the bearers of empire, then why were so many leading officials Germans?"

Radzinsky/Bouis: "And what did Russia get for it?" wrote one columnist. "The day after the victory, Europe forgot everything that Russia did for it...No, Europe will never be grateful to us. For Europe, Russians are always Scythians and barbarians. Russia saw that yet again in the Crimean War."

Raeff: (page 72): "a minority appear to have benefited from the experience of the Seven Years' War or from being stationed in the Baltic provinces. The average Russian nobleman was still too unsophisticated, coarse, and ignorant to appreciate what the new environment had to offer. Most were content with having a good time, drinking, and chasing after girls; and their coarseness hardly helped them gain admission into good German society. But the few who were prepared by previous education, or were endowed with an inquisitive and open mind, did discover a new world."