Chapter Summaries: Dole: (August, 1809) Speransky's reforms. Liberal dreams. The Emperor's disapproval of Prince Andrei. Count Arakcheyef's waiting-room. The minister of war.
Briggs: Arakcheyev rejects Andrey's memorandum on reform of the military code.
Maude (chapters 4-6): Speranski, Arakcheev and Prince Andrew
Pevear and Volkhonsky (chapters 4-6): Prince Andrei in Petersburg. Speransky and Arakcheev.
Translation:
IV. Prince Andrey had arrived in Petersburg in August of the year 1809. This was the time of the apogee of the fame of young Speransky and the energy committed to his coups. In this very August, the sovereign, riding in a carriage, was knocked out, damaged his leg, and stayed in Petergof for three weeks, seeing daily and exclusively Speransky. At this time they prepared not only two famous and disturbing to society decrees about the destruction of courtier ranks and about exams in the ranks of collegiate assessors and state councilors, but a whole state constitution that should change the existing judicial, administrative and financial order of management of Russia from a state council to a peasant self-government. Now carried out and embodied this obscure, liberal daydreaming, which marched to the throne of Emperor Aleksandr, and that he sought to realize with the help of his assistants: Chartorizhsky, Novosiltsev, Kochubey and Strogonov, which he himself jokingly called the committee of public safety..478 Now all together were replaced by Speransky in the civil parts and Arakcheev in the military. Prince Andrey soon after his arrival, as a chamberlain, appeared to the court and at a coming out. The sovereign two times met him, but did not honor him by one word. To Prince Andrey as before, it seemed that he was antipathetic to the sovereign and that the sovereign was unpleasant to his face and all of his being. In the dry, distant glance which the sovereign looked at him, Prince Andrey still more than before found confirmation of this assumption. The courtiers explained to Prince Andrey that the inattention to him by the sovereign was that his majesty was displeased by how Bolkonsky had not served from the year of 1805. "I myself know how we are powerless in our sympathy and antipathy," — thought Prince Andrey, —"And because there is nothing to think about so that to represent personally my note about the military charter to the sovereign, but the business will speak for itself." He delivered about his note to an old field marshal, a friend of his father. The field marshal, appointing his hour, affectionately accepted him and promised to report to the sovereign. In a few days it was announced to Prince Andrey that he had to appear to the military minister, Count Arakcheev. At nine in the morning on the appointed day, Prince Andrey appeared in the reception room to Count Arakcheev. Personally Prince Andrey did not know Arakcheev and had never seen him, but all that he knew about him inspired little respect to this person. "He — the military minister, is a trusted face of the sovereign emperor; anyone must not give affairs to his personal properties; it is his execution to consider my note, therefore he alone may give to move it," thought Prince Andrey, waiting with a number of many important and unimportant persons in the reception of Count Arakcheev. Prince Andrey in the time of the majority part of the adjutants, the service of which he saw in the reception room of important persons and various characters of this reception room were for him very clear. At Count Arakcheev’s it was a completely special character of reception. An unimportant face, waiting in the queues for audience of reception to Count Arakcheev, was written in a feeling of shame and submissiveness; in the more bureaucratic face expressed one common feeling of awkwardness, hidden under a guise of swagger and ridicule above himself, above his position and above his expected face. Others thoughtfully went back and forward, others laughed in a whisper, and Prince Andrey heard the nickname479 "the forces of Andreich" and the words: "the uncle assigns," related to Count Arakcheev. One general (a major face), apparently insulted by how he was to wait so long, sat shifting his legs and contemptuously smiling to himself. Yet only as the door dissolved, on all faces were expressed instantly only — fear. Prince Andrey asked the duty officer for another time to report about himself, but at him he looked with mockery and said that his turn will come at its time. After several persons were introduced and withdrawn, an adjutant from the office of the minister was let in the terrible door by the officer, who startled Prince Andrey with his humiliated and scared look. The audience with the officer went on for long. Suddenly from behind the door were the rumblings of an unpleasant voice, and the pale officer, with shaking lips, got out from there, and grabbing himself behind the head, passed through the reception room. Following behind that Prince Andrey was let down to the door, and on the duty whispered: "to the right, to the window." Prince Andrey entered into the not rich, neat office and at the desk saw a forty year old man with a long waist, with a long, short cropped head and thick wrinkles, with frowning eyebrows above square green dull eyes and a hanging red nose. Arakcheev turned his head to him, not looking at him. — What do you ask for? — asked Arakcheev. — I do not... beg, your excellency, — quietly spoke Prince Andrey. The eyes of Arakcheev turned to him. — Sit down, — said Arakcheev, — Prince Bolkonsky? — I beg for nothing, but the sovereign emperor deigned to forward to your excellency to file my note... — Please see, my dear, I was reading your note, — interrupted Arakcheev, only the first words said affectionately, again not looking him in the face and falling into an all more and more grouchy and contemptuous tone. — You offer new military laws? Laws are many, no one enforces the old ones. Now all write laws, writing is easier than doing. — I had arrived by the will of the sovereign emperor to know, your excellency, what move you think to give the submitted note? — Prince Andrey said courteously. — On your note I put a resolution and forwarded it to the committee. I do not approve, — said Arakcheev, getting up and getting from his writing desk a paper. — Here, — he gave it to Prince Andrey. On the paper he crossed, in pencil, without capital letters, without orthography, without punctuation marks, was written: "unreasonably drawn up before as an imitation of written off french military regulations and from the military article without need of retreating." — In which committee again is delivered the note? — asked Prince Andrey. — In the committee of the military charter, and I have presented about the enrollment of your nobility in its members. Only without salary. Prince Andrey smiled. — I do not want. — Without a salary member, — repeated Arakcheev. — Have honor. Hey! Call! Who still? — he shouted, bowing to Prince Andrey. 478 comité du salut publique (committee of public safety) 479 sobriquet (nickname)
Time: August of the year 1809, a few days later, nine o'clock.
Mentioned: three weeks, 1805
Locations: St. Petersburg.
Mentioned: Peterhof, french.
Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes:
Briggs: Arakcheyev rejects Andrey's memorandum on reform of the military code.
Maude (chapters 4-6): Speranski, Arakcheev and Prince Andrew
Pevear and Volkhonsky (chapters 4-6): Prince Andrei in Petersburg. Speransky and Arakcheev.
Translation:
IV. Prince Andrey had arrived in Petersburg in August of the year 1809. This was the time of the apogee of the fame of young Speransky and the energy committed to his coups. In this very August, the sovereign, riding in a carriage, was knocked out, damaged his leg, and stayed in Petergof for three weeks, seeing daily and exclusively Speransky. At this time they prepared not only two famous and disturbing to society decrees about the destruction of courtier ranks and about exams in the ranks of collegiate assessors and state councilors, but a whole state constitution that should change the existing judicial, administrative and financial order of management of Russia from a state council to a peasant self-government. Now carried out and embodied this obscure, liberal daydreaming, which marched to the throne of Emperor Aleksandr, and that he sought to realize with the help of his assistants: Chartorizhsky, Novosiltsev, Kochubey and Strogonov, which he himself jokingly called the committee of public safety..478 Now all together were replaced by Speransky in the civil parts and Arakcheev in the military. Prince Andrey soon after his arrival, as a chamberlain, appeared to the court and at a coming out. The sovereign two times met him, but did not honor him by one word. To Prince Andrey as before, it seemed that he was antipathetic to the sovereign and that the sovereign was unpleasant to his face and all of his being. In the dry, distant glance which the sovereign looked at him, Prince Andrey still more than before found confirmation of this assumption. The courtiers explained to Prince Andrey that the inattention to him by the sovereign was that his majesty was displeased by how Bolkonsky had not served from the year of 1805. "I myself know how we are powerless in our sympathy and antipathy," — thought Prince Andrey, —"And because there is nothing to think about so that to represent personally my note about the military charter to the sovereign, but the business will speak for itself." He delivered about his note to an old field marshal, a friend of his father. The field marshal, appointing his hour, affectionately accepted him and promised to report to the sovereign. In a few days it was announced to Prince Andrey that he had to appear to the military minister, Count Arakcheev. At nine in the morning on the appointed day, Prince Andrey appeared in the reception room to Count Arakcheev. Personally Prince Andrey did not know Arakcheev and had never seen him, but all that he knew about him inspired little respect to this person. "He — the military minister, is a trusted face of the sovereign emperor; anyone must not give affairs to his personal properties; it is his execution to consider my note, therefore he alone may give to move it," thought Prince Andrey, waiting with a number of many important and unimportant persons in the reception of Count Arakcheev. Prince Andrey in the time of the majority part of the adjutants, the service of which he saw in the reception room of important persons and various characters of this reception room were for him very clear. At Count Arakcheev’s it was a completely special character of reception. An unimportant face, waiting in the queues for audience of reception to Count Arakcheev, was written in a feeling of shame and submissiveness; in the more bureaucratic face expressed one common feeling of awkwardness, hidden under a guise of swagger and ridicule above himself, above his position and above his expected face. Others thoughtfully went back and forward, others laughed in a whisper, and Prince Andrey heard the nickname479 "the forces of Andreich" and the words: "the uncle assigns," related to Count Arakcheev. One general (a major face), apparently insulted by how he was to wait so long, sat shifting his legs and contemptuously smiling to himself. Yet only as the door dissolved, on all faces were expressed instantly only — fear. Prince Andrey asked the duty officer for another time to report about himself, but at him he looked with mockery and said that his turn will come at its time. After several persons were introduced and withdrawn, an adjutant from the office of the minister was let in the terrible door by the officer, who startled Prince Andrey with his humiliated and scared look. The audience with the officer went on for long. Suddenly from behind the door were the rumblings of an unpleasant voice, and the pale officer, with shaking lips, got out from there, and grabbing himself behind the head, passed through the reception room. Following behind that Prince Andrey was let down to the door, and on the duty whispered: "to the right, to the window." Prince Andrey entered into the not rich, neat office and at the desk saw a forty year old man with a long waist, with a long, short cropped head and thick wrinkles, with frowning eyebrows above square green dull eyes and a hanging red nose. Arakcheev turned his head to him, not looking at him. — What do you ask for? — asked Arakcheev. — I do not... beg, your excellency, — quietly spoke Prince Andrey. The eyes of Arakcheev turned to him. — Sit down, — said Arakcheev, — Prince Bolkonsky? — I beg for nothing, but the sovereign emperor deigned to forward to your excellency to file my note... — Please see, my dear, I was reading your note, — interrupted Arakcheev, only the first words said affectionately, again not looking him in the face and falling into an all more and more grouchy and contemptuous tone. — You offer new military laws? Laws are many, no one enforces the old ones. Now all write laws, writing is easier than doing. — I had arrived by the will of the sovereign emperor to know, your excellency, what move you think to give the submitted note? — Prince Andrey said courteously. — On your note I put a resolution and forwarded it to the committee. I do not approve, — said Arakcheev, getting up and getting from his writing desk a paper. — Here, — he gave it to Prince Andrey. On the paper he crossed, in pencil, without capital letters, without orthography, without punctuation marks, was written: "unreasonably drawn up before as an imitation of written off french military regulations and from the military article without need of retreating." — In which committee again is delivered the note? — asked Prince Andrey. — In the committee of the military charter, and I have presented about the enrollment of your nobility in its members. Only without salary. Prince Andrey smiled. — I do not want. — Without a salary member, — repeated Arakcheev. — Have honor. Hey! Call! Who still? — he shouted, bowing to Prince Andrey. 478 comité du salut publique (committee of public safety) 479 sobriquet (nickname)
Time: August of the year 1809, a few days later, nine o'clock.
Mentioned: three weeks, 1805
Locations: St. Petersburg.
Mentioned: Peterhof, french.
Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes:
Now we have Andrei's arrival to Petersburg, which is not coincidentally coincided with Speransky's introduction in the book. Speransky particularly has Alexander's attention according to Tolstoy, because of an injury the latter suffered. "Tis was the time of the preparation not only of the two famous decrees which so alarmed society, on the abolition of court ranks and on examinations for the ranks of collegiate assessor and state councillor, but also of an entire state constitution" (Pevear and Volokhonsky Note: "As a result, many old officials had to retire, and others bought themselves diplomas.")
"Now came the realization and embodiment of those vague liberal dreams with which Alexander had taken the throne and which he had been striving to realize with the aid of his helpers Czartoryski, Novosiltsev, Kochubey, and Stroganov".
The replacement of them with Speransky and Arakcheev.
"It had always seemed to Prince Andrei, even before, that he was antipathetic for the sovereign, that the sovereign disliked his face and his whole being."
Andrei arranges a meeting with Arakcheev to talk about his ideas for reforming the military.
Sila Andreich is the additional name giving to Arakcheev. He instills fear and awkwardness, not respect, in those working for him.
Arakcheev's reaction to Andrei's ideas: "Proposing new military regulations? There are many regulations, and no one to carry out the old ones. Everybody writes regulations these days; it's easier to write them than to follow them." Essentially calls Andrei's ideas "french" (not capitalized in Pevear and Volokhonsky). Andrei gets attached to the commission on military regulations, without salary.
Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):
Prince Andrei Bolkonsky
Emperor Alexander (also "majesty" and "sovereign")
Speransky (Maude gives an alternative reading with "Speranski".)
Czartorisky
Novosiltsof
Kotchubey (as in Dole and Garnett. "Kochubey" in Edmonds, Wiener, and Maude. "Kochubei" in
Dunnigan.)
Strogonof
An old field marshal (as in Dole, Briggs, and Mandelker (the latter two use a hyphen), who helps Andrei get his plan to the sovereign and his appointment with Arakcheyef. "an old marshal" in Bell.)
Count Arakcheyef (the "minister of war" and also "Sila Andreyitch" in Dole, explained as "Andreyitch the Strong", "Sila Andreitch (Sila meaning Force or Violence)" in Garnett, "Sila Andreevich" in Maude with an endnote: "Sila is a relatively uncommon diminutive for Alexey; sila in Russian means force." "Sila Andreievich" in Bell with with a footnote explaining Sila as strength, with Edmonds and Dunnigan only using "Strong-man Andreich" (the latter not using the hyphen). Mandelker uses "Sila Andreich" and Briggs uses "Mr. Savage." The second nickname, transliterrated by Dole as "Dyadya Zadast" and translated as "Uncle Push" is "We shall get it hot from the governor" in Edmonds and "the old man is going to give it to us" in Dunnigan. "the governor'll give it to you" in Garnett and "uncle will give it to us hot" in Maude and Mandelker. "he's the boss and he can dish it out" in Briggs. "Sila Andreich" and "We'll catch it from the uncle" in Wiener.)
(people in Count Arakcheyef's administration are undifferentiated, including "one general, a man of note" and "the officer on duty".)
Abridged Versions: Dole has a line break after "Prince Andrei was notified to present himself before the minister of war, Count Arakcheyef." Dunnigan and Wiener have one in the same place.
Chapter 2 in Bell. No chapter break.
Gibian: Chapter 2: line break after "Minister of War, Count Arakcheev." Line break instead of chapter break.
Gibian: Chapter 2: line break after "Minister of War, Count Arakcheev." Line break instead of chapter break.
Fuller: Entire chapter is cut.
Komroff: Some of the intro that gives the political landscape introduction is shortened, but the main idea is kept. Most of the detail about Araktcheev's staff and how is he is viewed is removed. The rest of the chapter is preserved and followed by a line break.
Kropotkin: Entire Chapter is cut
Simmons: Chapter 2: cut and replaced with: "In Petersburg Prince Andrew, with his new zeal to reenter the service, offers a proposal for the reform of army regulations to the Minister of War, Count Alexey Arakcheev, who appoints him to the Committee of Army Regulations; and he meets and admires the Emperor's intimate adviser and reformist statesman, Count. M. M. Speranski, who makes him Chairman of a section of the committee for the revision of the laws."
Simmons: Chapter 2: cut and replaced with: "In Petersburg Prince Andrew, with his new zeal to reenter the service, offers a proposal for the reform of army regulations to the Minister of War, Count Alexey Arakcheev, who appoints him to the Committee of Army Regulations; and he meets and admires the Emperor's intimate adviser and reformist statesman, Count. M. M. Speranski, who makes him Chairman of a section of the committee for the revision of the laws."
Additional Notes:
Mandelker: "the two famous decrees: nothing came of these two famous decrees beyond some purely formal changes at court and a certain amount of bribery to secure diplomas."
"Count Alexei Andreevich Arakcheev (1769-1834) was Inspector-General of Artillery from 1803 onwards, and his reorganization of that arm largely contributed to Russia's success in the war of 1812. He became Minister of War in 1808, but took no active part in the campaign of 1812, during which, and subsequently, he was the Emperor's constant companion and intimate adviser."
Maude: "Tolstoy's critical attitude to him (Arakcheev) can be detected in Prince Andrew's responses in this scene."
Garnett: "As part of his reform agenda, Peter the Great rationalized the bureaucratic, military, and diplomatic apparatus of his new state machinery, creating a powerful, orderly mechanism for modernizing an essentially feudal society and for breaking the power and influence of the old hereditary aristocracy by establishing a parallel meritocracy. The "new men" became a base of support for the imperial modernizing initiatives, acquiring service nobility as they progressed up through the ranks, as well as vast rewards for faithful service. Speransky's decrees aimed to curb the worst of these excesses."
Rey: Page 144: "Czartoryski...would be dismissed due to his opposition to the rapprochement with Prussia and to the entry of Russia into the new coalition...the tsar gave him (Arakcheevcarte blanche to reorganize and reinforce the artillery. Arakcheev applied himself to the task, beginning by inspecting over several months the regiments of the imperial army, which (page 145) then included 446,000 men. From his observations he concluded that it would be desirable to seperate artillery from infantry and gave artillery its own chain of command and its own resources, and that it should cease being considered as simply support for the infrantry...during the first engagements against Bonaparte, it was not yet fully operational."
Page 190: "Novosiltsev and Czartoryski were asked to leave Russia, while Kochubey had to give up his portfolio as interior minister. All three were relieved of their responsiblities; the sovereign thought that the new policy should be carried out by new men who were less marked by their pro-English commitments. For Alexander the price paid for the French alliance was thus very high on the political as well as the psychological and affective levels."
Page 214: "later, Speransky's daughter would marry Kochubey's nephew, thus entering into one of the richest and most illustrious families of Russia....In 1803 he was promoated head of the sole depeartment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, making him de facto vice-minister....Speranksy had frequent conversations with the French minister, whom he pleased with his uncommon intelligence; Napoleon apprechiated him too and even offered him a gold snuffbox with his effigy entirely surrounded by diamonds. On their return to St. Petersburg, Aleander appointed Speransky vice-minister of Justice (in place of Novosiltsev) and gave him the mission of perparing a legal code designed to introduce new political practices....For the monarch as well as Speransky, whose qualities as administrator were allied with unequalled analytic capacities, Russia was a European country presenting no specificty able to explain the politiical backwardness in which it found itself."
Page 215: "Speransky wished to implement a system that was liberal in inspiration and tinged with ethical and spiritual references. He wanted to guarantee a certain number of freedoms to individuals, to legally ensure the protection of the people against the excesses or weakness of bureaucracy, all leading to a political life that would be both just and moral. But there was no question of installling in Russia a constitutional governement like the American or French ones (the latter on the model of the Year VIII Constitution) that might be liable to dispossess the sovereign of his prerogatives; the sovereign should remain the inspirer and master builder of which reforms to promote. Eventually, such reforms would indeed faciliate the establishment of a monarchical regime that was both "tempered" by, and consolidated under, the law...In December 1808 he revised two decrees that Alexander rapidly adopted: the first one, in April 1809, was tilted "On Court Ranks" and olbiged nobles to serve in the army of administration to advance their careers; in August the second established an examination system for admission to the civil service and also banned the appointment to any rank above college assessor (the eight rank of the Civil Table of Ranks) of anyone lacking a university diploma. This latter measure was designed to combat incompetence and inefficiency in the bureaucracy and to facilitate the social ascension of educated commoners--but it was badly received by the nobility, which started to feel its prerogatives under attack...For Speransky, it was crucial not only to apply the concept of national representation, but indeed to integrate into this represantation a range of social categories of those who owned property (the bourgeoisie and rich free peasants) wider than the nobility alone, whose political and social conservatism he feared (as did Alexander)....Speransky's plan tried to create a separation of powers"
Page 216: "the emperor would keep major powers...he alone would decide on war and peace....but, importantly, he would have no judicial power anymore....in accepting a diversity of status that was lined to a diversity among peoples, Speransky's scheme took into account the empire's multinational character."
Page 217: "Speransky definitely intended to be a methodical, rigorous, and a rapid reformer!"
Page 224: "Herein lies the whole ambiguity of the choices made by Alexander: while deploring the conservatism of the aristocracy, it was on that group that he relied to make the council work, putting an end to Speransky's hope of seeing the sphere of responsibilities open up to wider social categories."
Page 225: "The infantry still remained the pillar of the Russian army, but the cavalry, and especially the artillery, provided with more efficient weapons, saw their role strengthened....Arakcheev began to reinstill strict discipline within the army, he fought corruption and the irresponsibility of the officers by pitiless measures, and he worked to improve the provisioning of food and munitions."
Page 356: "Poorly educated, narrow-minded, not speaking French, ill at ease with political subtleties that he scarcely understood, incapable of the least abstract thought but wholly devoted to his emperor, Arakcheev"
Montefiore:
Page 255: “Arakcheev, “the instrument of the emperor’s rigorous severities,”
Troyat:
Page 38: “Aracheyev stood high in Paul's esteem. Appointed Colonel, then
Major General in the Preobrazhensky regiment, he received the title of Baron, the Order of
St. Alexander Nevsky, and the estate of Gruzino with two thousand peasants. He was to
become in the end a Commander of the Knights of Malta and a Count of the Empire….
Arakcheyev’s violence toward his inferiors did not disturb the conscience of Alexander,
who was solely preoccupied with his own personal tranquility. He knew that Arakcheyev
beat his soldiers, bit their noses, and tore off their mustaches; that he slapped his officers;
that he had driven one of Suvorov’s comrades in arms to suicide; yet he opened his heart
to him”
Page 129: “As it stood, Speransky’s liberal program was so hemmed in with precautions
that its implementation was not likely to shake the monarchic foundations of Russia.”
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