Briggs: Napoleon's dark mood, though he believes few Frenchmen in Russia.
Maude: Napoleon depressed. His mind and conscience darkened. His calculation that few Frenchmen perished in Russia
Pevear and Volokhonsky: Napoleon looks at the bloody battlefield. A moment of insight. His later accounts of the battle.
Translation:
XXXVIII.
The terrible view of the field of the battle, covered in corpses and wounded in connection with the weight of the heads and with the news about the slain and wounded of twenty acquaintance generals and with the consciousness of the impotence of his before strong hand, performed an unexpected impression on Napoleon, who usually loved to discern the slain and wounded, tested by his sincere force (as he thought). On this day the terrible view of the field of the battle conquered that sincere force, in which he believed was his merit and greatness. He hastily left from the field of the battle and returned to the Shevardin mound. With the yellow, swollen, rough, with muddy eyes, red nose and hoarse voice, he sat on the folding chair, unwittingly listening to the sounds of firing and not raising his eyes. He with painful longing saw the end of these affairs, to which he counted himself implicated, but which he could not stop. The personal human feeling in a short moment took the top above those artificial ghosts of life, to which he served so long. He in himself carried over that misery and that death which he saw on the field of the battle. The heaviness of his head and breast reminded him about the opportunity for him of misery and of death. He at this moment did not want for himself Moscow, victory, or fame. (What need for him was more fame?). Only, what he desired now, — recreation, calmness and freedom. Yet when he was on the Semenovsky height, the chief of artillery proposed to him to put forward a few batteries on these heights, so to strengthen the fire by the crowded before Knyazkov Russian troops. Napoleon agreed and ordered to bring him news about what action promoted this battery.
An adjutant had arrived to say that by the order of the emperor 200 cannons were directed at the Russians, but that the Russians all so the same stood.
— Our fire rows dig them out, but they stand, — said the adjutant.
— They want more!..728 — said Napoleon in a hoarse voice.
—Sire?729 — repeated the inaudible adjutant.
— They want more, — frowningly wheezed Napoleon in a hoarse voice, — well assign them.730
Without his orders they did that, what he wanted to, and he ordered only because of how he thought that from him were awaiting orders. He again carried over in his former artificial world of the ghosts of that greatness, and again (as that horse, walking on a downhill wheel driving, imagines to itself that it makes something for itself), he dutifully began to enforce that cruel, sad and heavy, not human role, which he was intended.
And not in only this one hour and day was his mind darkened. And the conscience of this man, harder than all other participants of this affair wore on himself all the heaviness committed; but never, to the end of his life, could he understand good, beauty, truths, or the meanings of his deeds, which were too opposite to the good and truth, too far away from the only human, so that he could understand these matters. He could not deny his deeds, praised by half the world, and because of it should deny the truth and the good and the only human.
Not only on this one day, going around the field of the battle, laid the dead and mutilated people (as he thought, by his will), he, looking at these people, counted, how many were Russians to one Frenchman and, deceiving himself, found causes to rejoice that one Frenchman accounted for five Russians. Not only on this one day he wrote a letter to Paris that the field of the battle was sumptuous,731 because of how in him were 50 thousand corpses; but on the island of St. Elen, in quiet solitude, where he spoke that he was found to devote his leisure in setting out great cases, which he did, he wrote:
The Russian war would have been itself popular in the newest time: this was a war of common sense and presented benefits, a war of calmness and safety of all; it was purely peaceful and conservative.
These were the great goals, for the end of accidents and for the beginning of calmness. The new horizon, new proceedings would have opened the full well-being and welfare of all. A European system would have been founded, the question would have already been concluded only in its institution.
Satisfied in these great questions and everywhere calm, I would also have had their congress and their sacred union. These thoughts were stolen from me. In these gathered great sovereigns we would have discussed our interests of family and would have considered with peoples, as a scribe with a host.
Europe really soon would have put together this one way and the same people, and any travel where there would be found out would always be in the general homeland.
I would have reprimanded so that every river was navigable for all, so that the sea was common, so that the permanent, large army was reduced only to guard sovereigns and etc.
Returning to France, in the homeland, great, strong, magnificent, calm, and glorious, I would have proclaimed the borders were unchanged; all future wars protective: all newly spread— anti-national; I would have attached my son to rule the Empire; my dictatorship would have finished, and would have started a constitutional governing body...
Paris would be the capital of the world, and the French subjects the envy of all nations!...
Then my leisure and last days would be devoted to, with the help of the empress and in the time of the royal education of my son, then, so that few to little attend, as a real village couple, on our own horses, every corner of the states, taking complaints, eliminating injustice, scattering in every party and everywhere knowledge and good deeds.732
He, provided by Providence the sad, unfree role of the executioner of peoples, assured himself that the objective of his deeds was the good of peoples and that he could lead the destinies of a million and the path of authorities to do good deeds!
Of the 400 000 people, which got over the Vistula, half were Austrians, Prussians, Saxons, Poles, Bavarians, Wurtembergers, Mecklenburgers, Spaniards, Italians and Neapolitans. The imperial army, they actually say, was a third drawn up from Dutch, Belgians, inhabitants of the banks of the Rhine, the Piedmontese, Swiss, Genevan, Tuscan, Romans, inhabitants of the 32nd military division, Bremen, Hamburg and etc., in it was barely 140 000 people speaking French.
"The Russian expedition cost France actually less than 50 000 people; the Russian army in the retreat from Vilna to Moscow in the institutions of battles lost four times more than the French army; the fire of Moscow cost the lives of 100 000 Russians, dead from cold and poverty in the forests; at last, in the time of its transition from Moscow to Oder, the Russian army also suffered from the severity of the time of year; in a parish on the Vilna, it consisted only of 50 000 people, and at Kalishe less than 18 000."733
He imagined to himself that by his will occurred the war with Russia, and the horror accomplished did not hit his soul. He boldly took on himself all the liability of events, and his darkened mind saw an excuse in that the number of a hundred thousand dead people was less French than Hessians and Bavarians.
728 Ils en veulent encore!... (They still want some!...)
729 Sire? (Sir?)
730 Ils en veulent encore, donnez leur-en. (They still want some, give it to them.)
731 le champ de bataille a été superbe, (the field of battle was superb,)
732 "La guerre de Russie a dû être la plus populaire des temps modernes: c’était celle du bon sens et des vrais intérêts, celle du repos et de la securité de tous; elle était purement pacifique et conservatrice".
"C’était pour la grande cause, la fin des hasards et le commencement de la securité. Un nouvel horizon, de nouveaux travaux allaient se dérouler, tout plein du bien-être et de la prospérité de tous. Le système européen se trouvait fondé; il n’était plus question que de l’organiser".
"Satisfait sur ces grands points et tranquille partout, j’aurais eu aussi mon congrès et ma sainte-alliance. Ce sont des idées qu’on m’a volées. Dans cette réunion de grands souverains, nous eussions traités de nos intérêts en famille et compté de clerc à maître avec les peuples".
"L’Europe n’eût bientôt fait de la sorte véritablement qu’un même peuple, et chacun, en voyageant partout, se fût trouvé toujours dans la patrie commune. J’eus demandé toutes les rivières navigables pour tous, la communauté des męrs, et que les grandes armées permanentes fussent réduites désormais à la seule garde des souverains.
"De retour en France, au sein de la patrie, grande, forte, magnifique, tranquille, glorieuse, j’eusse proclamé ses limites immuables, toute guerre future, purement défensive; tout agrandissement nouveau antinational. J’eusse associé mon fils à l’empire; ma dictature eût fini, et son règne constitutionnel eût commencé"...
"Paris eût été la capitale du monde, et les Français l’envie des nations"!...
"Mes loisirs ensuite et mes vieux jours eussent été consacrés, en compagnie de l’impératrice et durant l’apprentissage royal de mon fils, à visiter lentement et en vrai couple campagnard, avec nos propres chevaux, tous les recoins de l’Empire, recevant les plaintęs, redressant les torts, semant de toutes parts et partout les monuments et les bienfaits".
(The war in Russia must have been the most popular of modern times: it was of common sense and real interests, of rest and security for all; it was purely peaceful and conservative."
"It was for the great cause, the end of hazards and the beginning of security. A new horizon, new works were going to unfold, full of the well-being and prosperity of all. The European system was founded; it was just a question of organizing it."
"Satisfied on these big points and calm everywhere, I would also have had my congress and my holy alliance. These are ideas stolen from me. In this reunion of great sovereigns, we would have treated our interests in family and counted from clerk to master with the peoples."
"Europe would soon have been made in this way really the same people, and each, traveling everywhere, would always have found himself in the common homeland. I asked for all navigable rivers for everyone, the mother community, and that the great permanent armies should henceforth be reduced to the sole guard of the sovereigns.
"Back in France, in the fatherland, great, strong, magnificent, quiet, glorious, I would have proclaimed its immutable limits, any future war, purely defensive; any new expansion antinational. I would have associated my son to the empire; my dictatorship would have ended, and his constitutional reign would have begun"...
"Paris would have been the capital of the world, and the French envy the nations!"...
"My leisure afterwards and my old days would have been spent, in the company of the Empress and during my son's royal apprenticeship, to visit slowly and as a real country couple, with our own horses, every corner of the Empire, receiving complaints, righting the wrongs, sowing on all sides and everywhere monuments and benefits.")
733
"Des 400 000 hommes qui passèrent la Vistule, he writes further about the Russian war, la moitié était Autrichiens, Prussiens, Saxons, Polonais, Bavarois, Wurtembergeois, Mecklembourgeois, Espagnols, Italiens, Napolitains. L’armée impériale, proprement dite, était pour un tiers composée de Hollandais, Belges, habitants des bords du Rhin, Piémontais, Suisses, Génevois, Toscans, Romains, habitants de la 32-e division militaire, Brême, Hambourg, etc.; elle comptait à peine 140 000 hommes parlant français. L’expédition de Russie coûta moins de 50 000 hommes à la France actuelle; l’armée russe dans la retraite de Wilna à Moscou, dans les différentes batailles, a perdu quatre fois plus que l’armée française; l’incendie de Moscou a coûté la vie à 100 000 Russes, morts de froid et de misère dans les bois; enfin, dans sa marche de Moscou à l’Oder, l’armée russe fut aussi atteinte par l’intempérie de la saison; elle ne comptait à son arrivée à Wilna que 50 000 hommes, et à Kalisch moins de 18 000".
("Of the 400,000 men who crossed the Vistula, half were Austrians, Prussians, Saxons, Poles, Bavarians, Württembergers, Mecklemburgers, Spaniards, Italians, Neapolitans. The imperial army, properly speaking, was for a third composed of Dutch, Belgians, inhabitants of the banks of the Rhine, Piedmontese, Swiss, Genevans, Tuscans, Romans, inhabitants of the 32nd military division, Bremen, Hamburg, etc.; it barely numbered 140,000 men speaking French. The expedition to Russia cost less than 50,000 men to present-day France; the Russian army in the retreat of Wilna to Moscow, in different battles, lost four times more than the French army; the fire in Moscow claimed the lives of 100,000 Russians, dying of cold and misery in the woods; finally, in its march from Moscow to the Oder, the Russian army was also affected by the inclement weather of the season; when it arrived in Wilna it had only 50,000 men, and in Kalisch less than 18,000.")
Locations: Shevardino
Mentioned: Moscow (Moscou in the French), Semenovskoe, Knyazkovo, Russia (and Russian. Russie in French.), France (and French), Paris, St. Helena, Europe (and European), Vistula (Vistule in the French), Austrian (Autrichiens in the French), Prussian (Prussiens in the French), Saxon, Pole (Polonais in the French), Bavarian (Bavarois in the French), Wurtembergian (Wurttemberger in Pevear and Volokhonsky. Wurtembergeois in the French), Mecklenburgian (Mecklenburger in Pevear and Volokhonsky. Mecklembourgeois in the French), Spaniard (Espagnols in the French), Italian (Italiens in the French), Neapolitan (Napolitains in the French), Dutch (Hollandais in the French.), Belgian (Belges in the French), Rhine (Rhin in the French), Piedmontese (Piemontais in the French), Swiss (Swisses in the French), Genoan (Genevois in the French), Tuscan (Toscans in the French), Roman (Romains in the French), Bremen (Breme in the French), Hamburg (Hambourg in the French), Vilna (Wilna), Oder, Kalisz (Kalisch in Pevear and Volokhonsky.
Pevear and Volokhonsky Notes: We flip back to Napoleon, who normally likes to survey the dead and wounded to test his inner strength. This time, he leaves and does not want to see it, "Yellow, bloated, heavy, with dull eyes, a red nose, and a hoarse voice".
"At that moment he wanted for himself neither Moscow, nor victory, nor glory. (What more glory did he need?)"
Here is where we get the horse walking on a treadmill analogy that we saw previously in Bromfield's version. "He could not renounce his actions, extolled by half the world, and therefore he had to renounce truth and goodness and everything human."
Tolstoy quotes extensively from what he wrote about Borodino while at St. Helena. To summarize, Napoleon argues that the invasion was a good, conservative choice and that he was trying to establish a singular Europe that would work for the people and make all future wars purely defensive and he would have stepped down as emperor. He also argued that because his coalition was multi-national, that it was the will of Europe, and that the French did not lose that many men, especially in comparison to the Russians.
Characters (characters who do not appear, but are mentioned are placed in italics. First appearances are in Bold. First mentions are underlined. Final appearance denoted by *):
Napoleon (also "his majesty".)
Napoleon's Son (whom he just calls "my son", previously "The King of Rome" in the novel.)
The Empress (Napoleon's wife.)
Abridged Versions: Start of Chapter 8 in Bell. Ends with a line break rather than a chapter break.
Gibian: Chapter 38.
Fuller: Chapter ends with a line break after "there were five Russians for every Frenchman", cutting Napoleon's writings.
Komroff: Entire chapter is cut.
Kropotkin: Entire chapter is cut.
Bromfield: No apparent corresponding chapter.
Simmons: Chapter 38. Entire chapter is cut. Replaced with: Napoleon's mind and conscience are troubled over the results of the battle of Borodino. Later he takes comfort in the fact that more Russians than French were killed and that the war was for a great cause--the end of uncertainties and the beginning of security."
Additional Notes:
Segur/Townsend: Page 78: "Forty-three generals had been killed or wounded. What mourning there would be in Paris! What rejoicing among the enemy! And what matter for dangerous relfections for the Germans!"
Tolstoy's Letters (Christian): Page 450: “about Napoleon. No, I haven’t changed my opinion, and I would even say I value it very much. You won’t find any bright sides; it’s impossible to find them until all the dark and terrible sides this person presents have been exhausted. The most valuable material is Memorial de Sainte-Helene. And his doctor’s memoirs about him. However much they exaggerate his greatness, this pathetic fat figure with a paunch and a hat, loafing around an island and living on the memories of his former quasi-greatness, is pathetic and nasty.”
Herold: Page 419: “on October 17 the rocky outline of the island of St. Helena came into view. Napoleon had finished making history; he would now devote himself exclusively to making his legend.”
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